at a time, at considerable intervals, for Lincoln, as if by a natural growth of public opinion, culminating February 16, 1860, in the Chicago Tribune, whose editor was one of the leading workers of this scheme. The public opinion. really existed, but it was gathered together and intensified by party tactics. Lincoln himself wrote to a Western politician:

"As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the ring on the money basis first, because in the main it is wrong; and secondly, I have not and cannot get the money. I say in the main the use of money is wrong; but for certain objects in a political contest the use of same is both right and indispensable. With me, as with yourself, this long struggle has been one of great pecuniary loss. I now distinctly say this: If you shall be appointed a delegate to Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of the trip." Herndon tells a number of stories about Lincoln's methods of conciliating newspaper men, which shows he was not squeamish in trifles.

The selection of Chicago by the Republicans was the first victory for the Illinois managers. Norman B. Judd, who led in the effort to bring the convention to Chicago, also saw to it that reduced railway fares were initiated, and that

there were other inducements to lure the citizens of Illinois to the seat of war. Lincoln had taken this position, expressed in a letter to Judd: "I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me not to be nominated on the national ticket; but I am where it would hurt some for me not to get the Illinois delegates." The first point was to fix Illinois, and the future would show what could be done when the various states exchanged their views. Mr. Whitney, who was in Chicago for several days in March and April preceding the nomination, when Lincoln was trying the sand-bar case, went with him to a minstrel show at Metropolitan Hall, Chicago, where it was then thought the convention might be held.

"Possibly," said Whitney, "in a few weeks you will be nominated for the presidency right here."

"It is enough honor," said Lincoln, "for me to be talked about for it."

The Republican State Convention met at Decatur, May 9 and 10. The result had already been prepared, but it was to be called out in a manner that struck one of the most effective chords in the succeeding battle. The wigwam" was crowded, and Lincoln was seated on his heels in an aisle among the onlookers. Governor Oglesby, the presiding officer, sug

gested that a distinguished citizen of Illinois who was present, and whom his fellow-citizens always delighted to honor, should have a seat on the platform. The crowd was so dense that Lincoln could not make his way, and he was seized and lifted over the spectators to the stand, with loud applause. Later, Oglesby mysteriously hinted that an old Democrat outside had something which he wished to present to the convention. It was voted that this something should be received. The door was opened, to admit John Hanks, the rustic cousin of Lincoln, who had been chosen and coached for this particular demonstration. He marched into the assembly, bearing two small triangular rails and a banner, on which were these words, which were associated not remotely with victory in the fall:

"ABRAHAM LINCOLN

THE RAIL CANDIDATE

FOR PRESIDENT IN 1860

Two rails from a lot of 3000 made in 1830 by Thos. Hanks and Abe Lincoln-whose father was the first pioneer of Macon County."

Lincoln, after the immense tumult had subsided, in his half embarrassed and half easy way, stood up on the platform and responded: "I suppose I am expected to reply to that. I cannot say whether

I made those rails or not, but I am quite sure I have made a great many just as good."

The convention resolved that Lincoln was its first choice, and instructed delegates to give the vote of the state as a unit. They were really almost unanimous by this time, and a little more work by the leaders made them so. About the National Convention Lincoln said, "I am a little too much of a candidate to go, and not quite enough of a candidate to stay away; but upon the whole I believe I will not go."

When the Republicans met in Chicago just a week later, May 16, they found a complicated situation. It was their second national convention. Fremont, who was nominated by them at Philadelphia in 1856, had been defeated by the slave states, except Maryland, aided by Illinois, Indiana, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and California. Illinois had always been Democratic. In 1836 Ohio and Indiana went for Harrison, but Illinois did not enter the Whig ranks. In 1840 Illinois was the only free state except New Hampshire to go Democratic. In 1844 she increased her majority. 'She never," says Horace Greeley, “cast an electoral vote for any other than the Democratic nominee till she cast all she had for her own Lincoln." Now it was Lincoln who had shown in the Senatorial fight with Douglas that Illinois might be rescued for the Republicans. The

other Northern Democratic states might also be changed, as indicated by the elections of 1858. The first four on the list were the most important, and among them Pennsylvania and New Jersey were first, because they, voting in October, would have an immense influence on the others. The leaders were to decide practically on these facts alone.

Had it not been for the split of the Democrats the Republicans would have had less confidence. After a long fight the Democrats had adjourned, on May 3, their convention held at Charleston, fifty-seven ballots having shown that, while Douglas was far in the lead, he was bitterly opposed by the extreme slavery element. The extent of the split became evident only after the Republicans had made their choice, but it was clearly evident that the Democrats were sufficiently divided to offer a good opportunity. On May 6 a peace party calling itself the Constitutional Union Party, having an avoidance of the slavery issue as its only principle, had nominated John Bell of Tennessee and Edward Everett of Massachusetts, but it was a minor element in the problem.

The leading candidate, when the Republicans assembled in Chicago, was William H. Seward of New York. What the Lincoln men most feared was a Seward victory on the first ballot. That once passed they felt their chances good, for