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produced by the inconstancy of the House of Commons in regard to domestic political questions. The condition of the mind of Europe, as well as that of Great Britain, has changed with such a rapidity as to excite surprise on this side of the Atlantic. Comparing it with circumstances which preceded our late civil war, one is almost obliged to expect immediately even a more general revolutionary movement in Europe than that which so lately and so fearfully disturbed the United States.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

No. 1366.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
London, May 11, 1867.

SIR: I have to acknowledge the reception from the department of despatch. No. 1967, of the 26th of April. The matter referred to has been explained according to the desire therein expressed.

The conference alluded to in my No. 1364 has been held here this week, and has terminated in an arrangement for the neutralization of Luxembourg under the guarantee of the great powers. This is considered as equivalent to the maintenance of peace at least for the present year. But the preparations notoriously going on in France continue to give uneasiness in Germany as to the future.

The result of another division following a sharp discussion in the House of Commons upon an essential point in the enfranchisement bill, has confirmed the previous impression that the government will be able to carry it through against all opposition. The conflict which seemed last week to impend upon the attempt of the ministry to forbid the assemblage of a popular meeting in Hyde Park to consider the bill, was prevented by their abandonment of all resistance to it. The meeting consequently took place without any serious result. The only consequence was the retirement of the minister of the home department, Mr. Spencer Walpole, upon whom the responsibility for this proceeding was imposed by public opinion, although it appears reasonable to suppose that it should more properly attach to the whole cabinet.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.

[Telegram per cable.]

No. 1981.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, May 15, 1867.

SIR: The President requires that in the cases of United States citizens tried or convicted for insurrection or treason in Ireland you protest against any irregular or doubtful conviction, and in all other cases recommend to the clemeucy of her Majesty's government.

The sanguinary sentences of the court in the cases of Burke, Doran and McCafferty shock the public sense throughout the United States. Executions

conforming to them would leave a painful impression in a country where traditional sympathy with the revolution in Ireland is increased by convictions of national injustice, and therefore is now not only profound but almost universal. Of course this instruction will not be executed if amnesty or clemency render it unnecessary.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

No. 1984.]

Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, May 17, 1867.

SIR: I transmit a letter of the 13th instant from James Rogers, of No. 8 Wall street, New York, and the original depositions which accompanied it,' relative to the case of William Jackson, otherwise called John McCafferty, reported to be under sentence of death for high treason in Ireland.

You will make the most effective use of them you can, in using your good offices on behalf of the prisoner to obtain his release or a mitigation of his sen

tence.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

Mr. Rogers to Mr. Seward.

LAW OFFICE OF JAMES J. ROGERS,
No. 8 Wall Street, New York City, May 13, 1867.

SIR: I beg leave to refer you to my letter of 29th April, ultimo, and to the response of Mr. F. W. Seward, Assistant Secretary, of 5th May, instant, in relation to the case of William Jackson, otherwise called John McCafferty, now imprisoned, and, as would appear by Atlantic cable telegrams of last week, tried and convicted of high treason, in Dublin, Ireland. I have waited since the reception of the last-named letter, in order that I might hear from Sandusky city, Ohio, where the parents of McCafferty reside, and where he was born, before sending the affidavits (original) which I herewith transmit to you, duly verified before the proper officers, and certified by the clerk of the supreme court of this State. The proofs of birth and citizenship I expect within a few days, unless my letters to Sandusky city have miscarried, or unless those proofs have been transmitted to your department directly.

I would request, inasmuch as parties have been sentenced to be executed in Dublin within twelve days from this date, that copies of these affidavits be forwarded to our minister at London, and to our consul at Dublin, that they may be used either in obtaining a modifica tion of the sentence, a new trial, or in any other proceeding you may deem proper in the premises.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

JAMES J. ROGERS, Attorney, &c.

State of New York, City and County of New York, ss:

John Kelcher, being duly sworn, says that he resides at No. 50 Norfolk street, in the city of New York, and is employed in the custom department of Devlin & Co., clothiers, doing business at the corner of Grand street and Broadway, in the city of New York, and has been so employed nearly thirteen years; and that deponent well knows one John Devanney, who, as deponent is informed and believes, has recently lodged, filed, or given information against one William Jackson, otherwise, McCafferty, now imprisoned and detained in Kilmainham jail, Ireland, under a charge of high treason; that said Devanney was employed as a watchman in the store of said firm of Devlin & Co., and was frequently in the view of deponent, and had frequent conversations with deponent; and deponent further says that, on the

day of August, in the year 1866, deponent was in company with said John Devanney during a greater part of said day; and that said Devanney placed his hands, with unusual familiarity, on this deponent's clothing and in the neighborhood of deponent's pockets; and that during the subsequent evening, and about a half an hour after parting with said Devanney, deponent missed the sum of twenty-five dollars, which deponent, verily believes said Devanney stole from deponent's pockets; and that immediately thereafter said Devanney evaded and avoided the company and society of deponent, contrary to his usual custom and habit, which had theretofore been to see deponent frequently and intimately every day.

And deponent further says, that the general character of said Devanney is bad; and that deponent, from deponent's own knowledge and from said Devanney's general reputation, would not believe said Devanney under oath.

And deponent further says, that said Devanney was twice discharged from his employment by said firm on account of neglect of duty, and lazy, idle, and vicious habits, and on account of his frequenting brothels and other bad resorts.

Sworn before me, this 30th day of April, 1867.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

State of New York, City and County of New York, ss :

JOHN KELCHER.

A. LATHEN SMITH, Notary Public, New York City.

Michael Dowd, being duly sworn, doth depose and say, that he resides at No. 116 Mott street, in the city of New York, and is employed as engineer in the clothing house of Devlin & Co., at the corner of Grand street and Broadway, in the city of New York, and has been employed by said firm nearly twelve years; and that deponent is well acquainted with one John Devanney, who, as deponent is informed and believes, has made, filed, lodged, or given information against one William Jackson, now imprisoned in Kilmainham jail, Dublin, Ireland, on the charge of high treason, and has known said Devanney about eight years; that said Devanney's general character is not that of a pure man; and that said Devanney was in the habit of keeping company with a common prostitute named Mary Ann Richardson, who went by the by-name of "Jessie;" that said Devanney and said prostitute were frequently together; and that deponent has seen said Devanney approach the entrance to a house of ill-fame with said prostitute; and further saith not.

Sworn before me, this 30th day of April, 1867.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

MICHAEL DOWD.

A. LATHEN SMITH, Notary Public, New York City.

State of New York, City and County of New York, ss: James P. Hyde, being duly sworn, says that he resides at No. 50 Marion street, in the city of New York, and is by occupation a hydrant maker, and has been engaged therein about eighteen or twenty years; that deponent well knows one John Devanney, who has made, lodged, or filed an alleged information against one William Jackson, otherwise John McCafferty, now imprisoned in Kilmainham jail, at or near Dublin, Ireland, on the charge of high treason, and knows said Devanney's general character; that said Devanney's habits were very bad; he drank frequently, and spent his time in lounging around from place to place; that no person would retain said Devanney in employment on account of his lazy habits, and he, Devanney, was frequently discharged from places in which he had been hired; and deponent further says, that the general reputation of said Devanney for truth and veracity is bad, and that deponent would not believe said Devanney under oath; and that said Devanney is not an honest man, and is and for years past was distrusted by all who knew him.

Sworn before me this 30th day of August, 1867.

JAMES P. HYDE.

A. LATHEN SMITH,

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

Notary Public, New York City.

State of New York, City and County of New York, ss : Giovanni B. Sicardi, having been duly sworn, says, that he resides at Tremont, in Westchester county, in the State of New York, and is by occupation a wax-figure manufacturer at 138 Wooster street, in said city of New York, and that deponent well knows John Devanney, who, as deponent is informed and believes, has lodged, filed, or made an alleged information against William Jackson, otherwise designated as John McCafferty, now imprisoned in Kilmainham jail, at or near Dublin, Ireland, on the charge of high treason; that deponent knows said Devanney about eight years, and that said Devanney did not work

steadily or constantly more than three years out of the eight years aforesaid; that said Devanney was constantly in the habit of borrowing money and failing to repay the same; had the habit, three or four times a week, of getting beastly drunk, and intoxicated almost constantly during three years; that said Devanney was for a short time employed on the Fifth Avenue railroad, and frequently boasted to deponent that he, said Devanney, had stolen various sums of money collected by him as conductor and intrusted to his care by his employ ers-some days to the extent of five dollars, and more; and that said Devanney also informed deponent that he, said Devanney, had been discharged for "knocking down," viz., stealing the sum of ten dollars collected by him in one day's work; that on the last occasion when deponent saw said Devanney, said Devanney said to deponent that he, said Devanney, was about to depart for Ireland, and told deponent that he, said Devanney, would do anything for money, and was going to Ireland "on the make," an expression which designates hirelings of every denomination who have no regular employment at any respectable business; that said Devanney was frequently the associate of common prostitutes and the frequenter of houses of prostitution; and that said Devanney's general character is bad, and that deponent would not believe said Devanney under oath.

Sworn before me this 30th day of April, 1867.

GIOVANNI B. SICARDI.

A. LATHEN SMITH,

STATE OF NEW YORK, City and County of New York, ss:

Notary Public, New York City.

I, William C. Conner, clerk of the city and county of, New York, and also clerk of the supreme court for the said city and county, being a court of record, do hereby certify that A. Lathen Smith, before whom the annexed deposition was taken, was, at the time of taking the same, a notary public of New York, dwelling in said city and county, duly appointed and sworn, and authorized to administer oaths to be used in any court in said State, and for general purposes; and that his signature thereto is genuine, as I verily believe.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and affixed the seal of the said court and county, the 14th day of May, 1867. [SEAL.]

WM. C. CONNER, Clerk.

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward:

No. 1369.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,

London, May 18, 1867.

SIR: I have to acknowledge the reception of a telegram in cipher, of the 16th instant, which reached me at half-past 10 o'clock the same evening. It gives me instructions to act in certain contingencies in behalf of citizens of the United States now under trial or sentence for offences committed in Ireland.

I have not been an inattentive observer of the proceedings in that country, reports of which have been steadily and promptly transmitted to me by Mr. West, the consul at Dublin. But I must candidly admit that as yet I have seen no reasonable ground of objection to them. The trials have thus far been conducted with liberality and fairness, and great latitude has been granted to the able lawyers who have disinterestedly enlisted in the defence of the prisoners. No evidence has yet been furnished to this legation that either Burke or Doran is a citizen of the United States. The former does not appear to be the same person who was arrested last season and liberated on condition of return to America. The penalty of death inflicted upon the latter by the court has already been commuted to imprisonment, and it is generally understood that the former will not be executed. I transmit a copy of the London Times of the 15th instant, containing an article on the subject, which is here considered as written under official suggestion. With regard to the barbarous terms of the sentence as pronounced by the court, they form one of the relics of the habits of a past age which still adhere to the judicial forms of the United Kingdom, without implying any consequent action in that sense at the present day. It is quite half a century since any similar sentence has been carried into execution. The practice is for the government to remit all the superfluous brutality.

McCafferty's case still hangs upon a decision of the court on points of law reserved during his trial. There is no danger of his being treated with excessive harshness, if I may judge by the compliment paid to him in the court for his "gallant" service as an insurgent during the rebellion in America. He is undoubtedly a native citizen of the United States, but great difficulty has been experienced by me in aiding him, from the fact that he attempted to pass himself off and get interference on his behalf under a different name. I presume he felt conscious of the effect of the not dissimilar deception he undertook last year. He appears to have little sense of the value of truth.

There is another case of a young man by the name of John McClure, who headed an attack upon a police station at Knockadoon, and fought with great fierceness until finally taken, which may terminate in a capital conviction. I shall endeavor to urge an alleviation of the sentence on the ground of his extreme youth.

There have been a few cases of arrest and detention of persons claiming to be citizens of the United States, all of which have been promptly attended to by Mr. West, and in several their liberation procured. James Smith, of Cincinnati, was one of the number, in spite of the fact that he was found here again after having been liberated last year on condition not to return. I believe his is the only instance of that sort. But before he succeeded in getting away he was arrested a second time on new grounds of complaint, and still remains in prison.

I presume that Mr. West makes such full reports of his correspondence to the department that most of this information is already in your possession. I can only add that I shall continue to do all in my power to carry out what I understand to be your wishes, as they are my own, by sustaining the just claims to protection of citizens of the United States within this realm.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

[From the London Times, May 15, 1867.]

The gallant behavior of the Irish constabulary during the late Fenian attempt at insurrection has just been chronicled in an unpretending little report, which ought to make their prowess as celebrated as if it had been sung by a sacred bard. On a dark and cold morning of early March a number of the police stations in various parts of the country, occupied only by the usual small detachments, were attacked by bands of armed Fenians, brought together in pursuance of no less an object than the dethronement of Queen Victoria, the establishment of an Irish republic, and the division of the lands of the gentry among the victorious soldiers of the revolution. For this purpose long and extensive preparations had been made. A complete republican government-nay, two governments-had been established in New York, with president, secretaries of finance, war, and even marine, with a military organization comprising generals and major generals, colonels, and majors, some of these being actually men of military experience who had served in the late war. They had plenty of money; they had the great body of the Irish population of the United States to back them, and no small number of enthusiastic and credulous people in Ireland to believe in them. They chose their time; they smuggled in and secreted their arms; their chiefs and messengers came and went pretty much as they pleased, exhibiting, we are bound to say, much enterprise and some degree of skill. When all was ready they began their campaign. Their generals were prudent, if not audacious. They did not attack the regular troops of the hostile power which they desired to drive from Ireland; they cared not for the glory of any gallant exploit against Saxon redcoats; their design was at the outset to win an easy victory over the scattered constabulary-almost to a man Irishmen like themselves-and they hoped, by the alarm which they would spread, to rouse an excitable population. The result is well known, but the details will be better understood by looking at the return which has been published. It will there be seen how miserable and how ludicrous were the attempts of these conspirators, and how completely they were thwarted by the steadiness of a few brave men who knew how to do their duty. The Fenian outbreak has even less of dignity than Mr.

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