been prevented from securing the benefits of a strong national commonwealth, so long and so fully possessed by our neighbors. In the present instance, however, the governments have given you a good example. There was not one among them but had to sacrifice some legitimate objections in order that our common purpose might be realized. Let us then follow the precedent given, and prove on our part that Germany, in her history of 600 years' division, has been taught prudence, and that we have taken to heart those teachings inculcated by the abortive attempts to secure unity made at Frankfort and Erfurt. The failure of those attempts plunged Germany into a state of uncertainty and dissatisfaction which lasted no less than 16 years, and, as was manifest from the very outset, had to be terminated by some such catastrophe as was experienced last year. God decided in our favor. The German nation now has a right to expect that we shall obviate the recurrence of such a catastrophe, and I am persuaded that you, as well as the allied governments, will do all in your power to fulfil the anticipation of the people. * * * * You ask for responsible ministers to conduct the affairs of the executive; I beg to inquire who is to appoint them? Are the 22 governments of the confederacy to agree upon the choice of ministers, or is their nomination to be left to the King of Prussia? The former alternative would be impossible; the latter, the minor potentates will not assent to, while they object to be reduced to the level of English peers. There remains, then, nothing but to let the governments determine the action of the confederacy by majorities, and intrust the Crown of Prussia with the execution of their votes. This government has no wish to use the power it claims against public freedom. Having engaged in a task so great and difficult as the one in hand, it cannot but rely upon the co-operation of the people, and it is determined to extend liberty to the utmost limits compatible with a powerful state geographically and politically situate as is the northern confederacy. Why does the opposition wish for the right to vote the military supplies annually? What is the practical use of owning a right which, while the general condition of Europe remains what it is, could be exercised only for the purpose of perpetuating our existing military institutions? To close a simile from a branch of the public administration to which I devoted my time before taking up politics, were the maintenance of the army to be made dependent upon annual votes, this would be as sensible as though majorities were to be allowed to decide every year whether the dikes of the Vistula are to be kept in repair or recklessly pierced. Again, if it has been said that the southern states will not join us unless a responsible ministry be instituted at once, I should like to ask the gentlemen taking this view of the matter what they think those southern states are? Why, they are simply their Majesties the Kings of Bavaria and Wurtemberg. Do you really believe their Majesties have responsible ministers? I know the reverse to be the case. What we have to settle immediately with the south is the renewal of the Zollverein on a permanent basis, and the establishment of a common authority to legislate in Zollverein matters. Negotiations for this purpose will be taken in hand upon the conclusion of our labors here. As to a political alliance between the two halves of Germany, I trust that, with or without it, the south will always stand by the north as the north will always stand by the south. Gentlemen, let us not differ on trifles when greater things are at stake. We cannot now have everything we want, but something may be gained. Assist Germany to vault into the saddle, and trust her to ride alone. This speech, which earned much applause, was followed by another in answer to Herr Von Munchausen, a Hanoverian deputy and adherent of King George. The latter having blamed the annexation, and complained of sundry illegal practices imputed to the Prussian authorities in Hanover, Count Bismarck replied to this effect: "Though I cannot but respect the feeling of loyalty, devoted to a fallen dynasty, I might have wished the expression of this honorable sentiment had not been coupled with an attack upon the Prussian government. We all esteem the people of Hanover, a race so intimately related to our own, and whose gallant sons have fought on so many fields side by side with ourselves. We also respected the Hanoverian dynasty, and had no better wish than to remain on amicable terms with it for all time to come. Our views were distinctly communicated to the Hanover government. When the war was about to break out, I informed Count Platen that were he to ally himself to us, the integrity of Hanover would be safe, whatever the issue of the war; but I also thought it my duty to direct his attention to the peril he incurred if pursuing an opposite course. I should consider that Prussian minister a traitor who, if an enemy had arisen in our rear, waiting for an opportunity to stab us in the back, had not crushed that enemy, and rendered a repetition of the deed impossible, if the fortune of war placed him in our power. It is perfectly absurd to expect us to act differently. What would have become of Berlin if the Croats had taken it? And now that we have prevented their doing so, are we to reinstate their allies, admitting the plea that no harm was intended? That would be a little too sentimental after a war in which crowns and countries were the stakes. Then as to our treatment of the Hanover army, the convention of Langensalza was clearly meant to be valid only as long as the war lasted; and if Herr Von Munchausen affirm that Queen Mary is exposed to improper molestation on the part of the Prussian authorities, the fact of her Majesty's remaining in Hanover is, I believe, the best refutation of the charge. Her Majesty's remaining there when her husband has not made his peace with us is certainly strange; but although this government has never alluded to the subject of her leaving, it yet cannot allow her presence to become an occasion of hostile and venomous agitation. It is perfectly true that the Hanover Major Von Trenck was arrested in the presence of the Queen. The major knew that he was suspected of propagating secret proclamations, and that he had been watched for weeks. Either he ought not to have waited on her Majesty while subject to suspicion, or, if her Majesty objects to arrests being made in her presence, she ought not to have staid where she is. It is furthermore true that a letter from King George was opened by the Prussian authorities. But this was a mistake, contrary to the orders of my royal master, and we have apologized for it. "The Hanover constitution has been abrogated after the conquest, and the Prussian constitution will not come into force before the 1st of October. I heartily wish that date were close at hand; but while waiting for it Hanover is, and must be, governed unconstitutionally. Until then, let the gentlemen beware how they provoke us. They would find us much more than a match for them." No. 15.] Mr. John C. Wright to Mr. Seward. [Extract.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR The treaties concluded last August, and now for the first time made public, between Prussia and Bavaria, Baden and Wurtemberg, have attracted universal attention. I have the honor to enclose herewith a translation of the same. A similar one has also been arranged with Hesse-Darmstadt. The publication of these treaties has greatly surprised all classes. They, probably, would still have remained secret had not one of the members of the "Reichstag," in a speech on the 18th instant, asserted "that the states of the south could, at this day, ally themselves with a foreign power; with France for example." When Count Bismarck publicly announced that treaties had been made with the said states in August, 1866, the Prussian Moniteur's evening edition contained the text of them. It is said that the Prussian minister at the court of Vienna was authorized to communicate their existence to the Austrian government as early as the 15th instant. Mr. Benedetti, the French ambassador here, was summoned at once to Paris. Reports are current that as soon as the draught of the constitution shall have been accepted the southern states will unite with the North German confederacy. Judging from what has transpired recently it may be carried out in a very short time. The German element in Austria (in the province of Bohemia) is awakening to what is transpiring in Germany. Count Bismarck urges the speedy acceptance of the constitution by the Parlia I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servaut, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Treaty concluded between Prussia and Bavaria. By these presents a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance is concluded between the King of Prussia and the King of Bavaria. The two high contracting parties reciprocally guarantee the integrity of the territory of their respective countries, and undertake, in case of war, to place at their mutual disposal the whole of their military forces. ARTICLE II. The King of Bavaria has transferred, for the case in question, the superior command of his troops to the King of Prussia. ARTICLE III. The high contracting parties agree to maintain this agreement provisionally secret. ARTICLE IV. The ratification of this treaty shall take place at the same time as that of the treaty of peace concluded this day, viz., on the 3d day of next month, say 3d September, 1866. Done at Berlin this 22d August, 1866. Count de BISMARCK DE SAVIGNY. The same treaty was made with the grand duchy of Baden on 17th August, 1866, and with the kingdom of Wurtemburg, 13th August, 1866. Mr. Wright to Mr. Seward. No. 17.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Berlin, April 4, 1867. SIR: The Luxemburg question has been the all-absorbing topic of conversation during the past few days, especially among the members of the Reichstag. On Monday Vice-President Bennigsen, on behalf of the Liberal party, asked the Prussian cabinet what truth there was in the various rumors concerning the cession by Holland of Luxemburg to France. Count Bismarck replied at once to the inquiry. (See enclosed memorandum of the points in his remarks.) Probably no event would so tend to hasten the deliberations of the Parliament, or unify the German people, as much as a movement to cede a foot of what they consider their territory to a foreign power, and especially when that power is France. There are signs that since last year the feeling of animosity among the Germans towards the French has been increasing, and a war at this time against Napoleon would be more popular even than the war of last summer against Austria. From what has taken place in Berlin between the Russian minister and the Prussian foreign office, it may be conceded that an understanding if not an actual treaty exists between the two cabinets concerning the eastern question and internal affairs of Germany. * * * * * I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Vice-President Bennigsen's and Count Bismarck's remarks in the Parliament on the 1st instant. In Monday's sitting of the Reichstag Herr von Bennigsen asked whether the rumors of negotiations between Holland and France for the cession of the grand duchy of Luxemburg to the latter power were well founded, and whether the Prussian government was in a position to make communications to Parliament to the effect that it is determined, together with its federal allies, to secure permanently against every danger the connection of Luxemburg with the rest of Germany, and especially Prussia's right to garrison the capital of the grand duchy. Herr von Bennigsen, moreover, declared that all parties will be united in giv ing the government their most powerful support to prevent the separation of an ancient German land from the rest of Germany. In answer, Count de Bismarck said: "We value amicable relations with France and avoid wounding her susceptibilities. I cannot, therefore, reply to the second portion of the interpellation, as to the course that may be adopted in this matter by the Prussian government in concert with its federal allies. Your language becomes a representative of the nation, but is not diplomatic. Respecting your first question, asking for information in regard to the rumored negotiations between Holland and France for the cession of the duchy to the latter, I may state that nothing is known of the conclusion of such an arrangement between those states. The federal allied governments believe that no foreign power will endanger the undoubted rights of Germany. We hope to protect them more safely in a peaceful way the more the debates in Parliament shall show the indissoluble ties between the government and the people." No. 20.] Mr. John C. Wright to Mr. Seward. [Extract.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: On the 17th instant the King, in person, closed the North German parliament. Enclosed will be found the speech in German and a translation of the That portion of the address relating to South Germany called forth hearty applause. same. * * * * * I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. * JOHN C. WRIGHT. [Translation.] Illustrious, noble, and honorable members of the Parliament of the North German Confedera tion: I see you again assembled around me, at the termination of your important labors, with a feeling of sincere satisfaction. The hopes I recently expressed from this place, in the name of the allied governments, have since then, through your aid, been brought to fulfilment. With patriotic earnestness you have understood the greatness of your task, and have kept in view our common objects with voluntary self-restraint. For that reason we have succeeded in establishing upon a secure basis a constitution, the development of which we may confidently leave to the future. The federal authority is furnished with the attributes indispensable to, but also sufficient for, the prosperity and the power of the confederation. The individual states, while their future is guaranteed by the totality of the Bund, have retained their freedom of action in all departments wherein variety and development is admissible and salutary. To this popular representation is secured that co-operation in carrying out the great national objects which corresponds to the spirit of the existing constitutions of the countries and to the necessities of the governments to see their action supported by the agreement of the German people. All of us who have co-operated in carrying out the national task, the allied governments as well as the representatives of the people, have readily made the sacrifice of our views and our wishes, and we were able to do so in the conviction that these sacrifices were made for Germany and that they were worth our union. By this universal readiness, coupled with the conciliation of and victory over opposing views, the guarantee is at the same time gained for that future fruitful development of the confederation, with the conclusion of which, also, the hopes common to us with our brethren in south Germany may have advanced nearer to their fulfilment. The time has arrived when our German fatherland is able to uphold its peace, its rights, and its dignity by its own collective strength. The national self-consciousness which has found elevated expression in the parliament has met with a powerful echo from all quarters of Germany. None the less, however, are all the governments and peoples of Germany unanimous that the regained power of the nation has, above all, to uphold its significance by rendering secure the blessings of peace. Honorable gentlemen, the great work in which we have been thought worthy by Provi dence to co-operate is approaching its completion. The popular representations of the individual states will not refuse their constitutional recognition to what you have created in community with their governments. The same spirit that has enabled the task to succeed here will also preside over their deliberations. Thus, then, the first parliament of the North German confederation may close its labors with the elevating consciousness that it is accompanied by the thanks of the fatherland, and that the work it has accomplished will, with the help of Providence, be fruitfully developed both in our time and in future generations. May God bestow his blessing on us and our dear fatherland. The Prussian Chambers were opened on the 29th ultimo by his Majesty in person. Enclosed will be found his speech in German and a translation of the same. The Chambers are only called together to accept the constitution. They will likely pass it en bloc and adjourn for three weeks, as an interval of twentyone days is required before the second reading can take place. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. [Translation.] KING WILLIAM'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE PRUSSIAN CHAMBERS, APRIL 29, 1867. Illustrious, noble, and honorable gentlemen of both houses of the Diet: A constitution of the North German confederation, by which the united and vigorous development of the nation appears secure, has issued from the deliberations of the parliament to which the Prussian people sent its representatives in conformity with the law approved by you. I have summoned you around my throne to submit this constitution to your decision. The task of national unity which the government commenced, with your co-operation, is now to be concluded by your assent. Upon this basis the protection of federal territory, the care of common rights, and the prosperity of the people will henceforth be guaranteed by the collective populations of northern Germany and their governments in firm community. By the introduction of the federal constitution, the privileges of the representatives of individual states will be subject to unavoidable restrictions in all those departments which will be, in future, subordinate to the general development. But the people itself will not have to forfeit any of the rights it has hitherto possessed. It will merely transfer their maintenance to its representatives in the more extended commonwealth. The consent of the freely elected deputies of the entire people will still be requisite to every law in the North German confederation. Provision has been made by the federal constitution in all respects that those rights, the exercise of which the various representations abandon in favor of the new community of states, shall be transferred in the same extent to the general parliament. The secure foundation of national independence, power, and prosperity shall go hand in hand with the development of German rights and constitutional institutions. My government entertains the assurance that both houses of the Diet, correctly appreciating the urgent national necessity of speedily settling the task before us, will readily afford their assistance to its completion. Gentlemen, the newly formed confederation at present only includes the states of North Germany, but an intimate national community will always unite them with the South German states. The firm relations my government concluded for offensive and defensive purposes with those states as early as last autumn, will have to be transferred to the enlarged North German commonwealth by special treaties. |