ready to sail from French and English ports, but at the potent voice of the American government they were seized and detained. It was necessary to effectively blockade a coast of 3,000 miles in extent; and the voice of Mr. Welles created and cast upon the waters 960 vessels, and covered the whole of that long line. It was necessary to spend $750,000,000 per year, and the wand of Mr. Chase found those millions, and the resources to pay their interest and to extinguish the principal within a few years.

There were not 50,000 muskets when the war began, nor 4,000 men in the ranks. The voice of Mr. Cameron first, and of Mr. Stanton afterwards, called together and organized more than 700,000 brave men, and made, in American shops, more than 2,000,000 of fire-arms, thousands of cannon, mountains of ammunition, and other elements of war hardly to be calculated.

There were no generals. The penetrating sagacity of Mr. Lincoln drew from obscurity McClellan, Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, Thomas, and many others. General Frémont, the idol of the northern masses, attempted to press the President forward on the road to emancipation; putting on the airs of a dictator, driving out in his magnificent carriage, drawn by four white horses, displaying the train of a prince in the heart of the republic, Mr. Lincoln plucked off his plumes and stars, and removed him from the command of the West.

General Hunter, with extemporaneous zeal, declared the liberty of the slave early in 1862. Mr. Lincoln revoked his proclamation and took away his command.

On the victorious field of Antietam General McClellan undertook to impose on the President a policy favorable to slavery. Mr. Lincoln broke the sword of the presumptuous chieftain, and launched forth the proclamation of emancipation.

In addition to these we might refer to innumerable other examples of elevation and firmness of character indispensable to guide a country in the midst of civil war. To his firmness is due the absence of chiefs dangerous to order and liberty; that freedom to the slave should not have produced a servile war; that hatred and vengeance did not engender bloody retaliations, dangers so common, unfortunately, in the civil wars of Spanish America. No forced loans, brutal recruiting, or disorderly seizure of property, so demoralizing to the soldiery; none of those savage demonstrations of energy so common here. Nothing of this has been seen in the United States; neither have the federal authorities fomented political or moral ideas, or attempted to manufacture public opinion to its own ends-evils which, among us, follow in the track of revolutions as the fœtid and unhealthy sediment follows the freshets in our rivers. With all this, the virtues of the people have, of course, had much to do; but not a little has depended on the high character of the leaders who have marked out the way and given the example to popular impulse.

It has been thought, mistakenly to our view, that Mr. Lincoln was gifted with an invincible stubbornness in his purposes, and a blind fanaticism in his ideas. We have noticed, on the contrary, in studying the acts of this public man, much moderation and a great inclination to conciliation. Although an abolitionist for many years before, his inaugural programme of 1861 offered all the guarantees to be desired by slavery, asking only that it should not be extended into the newly settled territories.

The emancipation of the slaves was not decreed until the measure became not only a wise means of securing their powerful assistance in the war, but also an irresistible exigence of popular opinion. When, in 1863, propositions of peace were talked of by the South, Mr. Lincoln did not hesitate to declare his willingness to submit the validity of the emancipation proclamation to the decision of the Supreme Court, and the approval or disapproval of Congress. It was only after so much blood had been shed that it cried to heaven for recompense, that he judged the only price of this blood was the irrevocable, complete, and

absolute extermination of slavery, and that ground alone he manifested a dis position not to yield.

The last phase of his public character, and which appeals most lively to our sympathy, was his magnanimity. The formidable and groundless insurrection, which had threatened to destroy the unity and force of the country, subdued, his first and only purpose was to reorganize the conquered territories, returning them their existence and their own governments, without retaining for a moment longer than necessary and just the discretionary power with which the rebellion had armed him. He never thought from the first of humbling and punishing, or of showing that healthy energy which is always the inevitable source of armed reaction. The stupid assassin, more stupid than his murderous bullet, without doubt did not think that, amidst the dangerous fermentation of passions which follows a day of victory over brethren, the surest guaranty of restoration and liberty to the South was the noble life of Mr. Lincoln.

He

In the vulgar sense of human language, Abraham Lincoln was certainly not a great man. He had not the dazzling prestige of victorious achievements in war; he was not a conqueror of peoples and countries; he never enveloped his plans in the gloomy obscurity of mystery, dissimulation; he never took to himself the credit of results which followed from the inscrutable decrees of Providence; his voice had not the enchanting harmony of Demosthenes or Mirabeau, or of Clay; he was free from that satanic pride, which, in others, supplies the want of true greatness. But he possessed something greater than all these, which all the splendors of earthly glory cannot equal. He was the instrument of God. The Divine Spirit, which in another day of regeneration took the form of an humble artisan of Galilee, had again clothed itself in the flesh and bones of a man of lowly birth and degree. That man was Abraham Lincoln, the liberator and savior of the great republic of modern times. That irresistible force, called an idea, seized upon an obscure and almost common man, burnt him with its holy fire, purified him in its crucible, and raised him to the apex of human greatness- -even to being redeemer of a whole race of men. whose boyhood was passed at the plough-handle in the then solitary prairies of Illinois; whose early manhood was dragged out in fatigue at the oar of a Mississippi flat-boat, and the only repose of whose maturer years was the noisy labors of the forum; that man was called to be the arbiter of the fate of his country-the great man of state, whose destiny it was to manage the rudder during the most frightful storm of this age. In the critical hour of trial and danger, all rested on him. Even the lines of his physiognomy, half grave, half comic, had been transformed by the agitations of his life. In the language of a distinguished journalist of his country, "his kind and powerful face was slightly marked by the circular track of his jocose thoughts, and deeply ploughed and cross-furrowed, the visible signs of his profound anxieties." There is in his last words something of the fire of the old prophets. "Fondly do we hope," (he said in his inaugural address of the 4th of March last,) Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may pass away. Yet if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn by the lash be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.' And that nothing should be wanting to complete the true grandeur of his life, the hand of crime snatched it from him in the midst of the triumph of his cause, and bound his temples, already pale from the vigils and anguish of four years, with the resplen dent crown of the martyr.

The tragic death of Mr. Lincoln has its only semblance of comparison in history in that of Henry IV, cut off in the plentitude of his genius and of his vast enterprises by the dagger of a fanatic. The wretch's pretext of tyranni

cide is absurd and ridiculous applied to a man who had freed four millions of slaves, and prepared the way to freedom for the three millions more in the Spanish colonies and Brazil, and inaugurated the era of universal emancipation of the races, which, like the fellahs of Egypt and parias of India, are yet the object of spoliation by more powerful races. The regeneration even of Africa itself, of that great continent which is the affront of the century, will be, perhaps, one of the consequences of the abolition of slavery in North America.

If the emancipation of the negroes could give the right, not to a fanatic or nebriate, but to a slaveholder, to avenge himself by murdering the liberator, what right would not the being enslaved give the slave against the master? If the assassination of Mr. Lincoln could find an excuse with the slavery party, vith what show of justice could any vengeance be lamented which, in the name of whole race invoking the recollections of two centuries of oppression, the negroes hould now take on their ancient spoilers? What good was to result to a cause Iready fallen in the opinions and consciences of men, by the assassination of a ingle man, who was not the creator but simply the instrument of an idea before xed in the brain of all, and master of their wills? Abraham Lincoln is dead, ut his work is finished and sealed forever with the veneration which God has iven to the blood of martyrs. He who was yesterday a man, is to-day an apostle; e who was the centre at which the shots of malice and hatred were aimed, is ow consecrated by the sacrament of death; he who was yesterday a power, is ›-day a prestige, sacred, irresistible. His voice is louder and more potent from he mansion of martyrs than from the capitol, and the cry which was boldly ised among the living is mute before the majesty of the tomb.

Abraham Lincoln passes to the side of Washington-the one the father, and e other the savior of a great nation. The traditions, pure and stainless, of e early times of the republic, broken at the close of the administration of the cond Adams, were restored in the martyr of Ford's theatre; and the predomance of material interests which has heretofore obscured the country of Frank, will abdicate the field to the prelacy of moral ideas, of justice, of equality, d of reparation.

The whip has dropped from the hand of the overseer; the blood-hound will nt no more the fugitive slave in the mangrove swamps of the Mississippi; the mmer of the auctioneer of negroes has struck for the last time on his platform, d its hateful sound has died into eternal silence. The sacred ties of love ich unite the hearts of slaves will not again be broken by the forced separan of husbands and wives, parents and children. The unnatural and infamous sort between the words liberty and slavery is dissolved forever; and liberty! erty! will be the cry which shall run from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and n the northern lakes to the Gulf of Mexico.

This great work has cost a great price. Humanity will have to mourn yet many years to come the horrors of that civil war; but above the blood of its ims, above the bones of its dead, above the ashes of desolate hearths, will e the great figure of Abraham Lincoln, as the most acceptable sacrifice offered he nineteenth century in expiation of the great crime of the sixteenth. Above he anguish and tears of that immense hecatomb will appear the shade of Linas the symbol of hope and of pardon

[From El Tiempo de Bogota of May 24, 1865.1
[Translation.]

AN AMERICAN CALAMITY! ASSASSINATION OF President lincOLM!

The most horrible and frightful crime, without example in republican America. has just been perpetrated in Washington; a crime without defence, excuse, or extenuation; a crime coldly premeditated and coldly executed, as a consequence of the dark political plottings of the leaders of a ferocious party; of that party which opposes throughout the world every principle of liberty, every aspiratie of independence, all progress in the life of humanity. The crime committed Washington is not an isolated crime engendered by spirit of the slavery fanatic the point of putting the pistol and dagger in the hands of New Ravaillacs. N the crime committed in Washington, being futile for the return of things to be state in which they were before the proclamation of emancipation, the law ab ishing slavery and the surrender of Richmond, could have had no other than vengeance for its object. But in republics, where the killing of men does a kill ideas, the death of Mr. Lincoln could have had no ulterior object connected with the war or the re-establishment of slavery in the southern States. The were and are still dead questions. The object of removing Mr. Lincoln and Seward from the political scenes of the world was more distant, of grea dimensions, and of more transcendent consequences to republican America. We may be mistaken in our fears, but we catch a glimmering from the dark coun of the despots of every lineage on the other side of the Atlantic, of the exter nating thought which armed the assassins of the night of the 14th of April.

Lincoln was a man of iron, of firm will, irresistible; he was the pers cation of the liberal idea in its genuine acceptation; he was beloved by fellow-citizens, and sustained by the statesmen and generals of the greatest most merited renown in his country; he was terrible, in fine, but not a terra the conquered confederates, to whom, in his magnanimity, he had opened s arms for reconciliation; but he was a terror to others-to the unwelcome invad of Mexico, to the enemies of republics, of the world of Columbus.

There may be temerity in our conjectures, but the idea, the fear, the suspic are not exclusively ours. Not a single friend who has casually fallen in way that does not harbor them. There is a secret instinct in men which te them from whence come the dangers that threaten them, and rarely are th mistaken in listening to it.

Mr. Seward was, and may continue to be, as he still lives, the second pers the second thought of Lincoln-the incarnation with him of the liberal op and progress of his country; of that country the most enlightened, the ric the most indomitable, the most powerful of the earth now and henceforw Seward has been able to do much for the republican liberty of the contine and he was a terror also.

But they are sadly mistaken who think of checking in the United States the north the inevitable course of events long since marked out by opinion. opinion is the true despotic queen of the American Union. It wills and does everything in spite of those who govern. There the people command, the pe ple give impulse and make themselves obeyed by their chiefs and leaders.

We cannot but feel deeply pained and an indefinable indignation at the gord rowful event. Sympathizing for four years past with Mr. Lincoln and his Se retary, admiring their ability and patriotism, we are overwhelmed with grief the immense loss, which is a loss so great to the cause of America. Our brother of the north receive our deepest and most sincere condolence.

If Lincoln and Seward have died, their glory, their splendid glory, survive them; and that glory is and will be the glory of a gigantic people.

[From El Tiempo de Bogota, June 21, 1865.]

[Translation.]

OFFICIAL MOURNING.

To-day has been set apart for the purpose of honoring officially in this city the memory of the deceased President of the United States of America. Incited by the honorable Allan A. Burton, the government of Colombia, that of the State of Cundinamarca, the diplomatic ministers, and the members of the consular body residing in the capital of the republic, have raised their flags at half-mast, as a manifestation of their respect and admiration for the illustrious lead, and the sincere affliction caused by his premature death.

It appears that some other spontaneous manifestations of sympathy in honor of the great deceased statesman have been prepared; but be these what they may, the honorable Mr. Allan A. Burton must be convinced already that the deplorable oss of Mr. Lincoln has profoundly wounded the Colombia people, who have long looked to him as the bulwark of the world of Columbus and of the glories of democratic America.

(The two foregoing articles from "El Tiempo" are written by the honorable Mr. Lleras, ex-secretary of foreign relations and late chief justice of the republic.)

[Translation.]

UNITED STATES OF COLOMBIA-SOVEREIGN STATE OF BOLIVAR-PRESIDENCY OF THE MUNICIPAL COUNCIL OF THE DISTRICT.

BANANQUILLA, June 26, 1865.

SIR: The municipal council, at its session of the 17th instant, adopted the printed resolution duly authenticated by its secretary, which I have the honor to send you upon that unhappy event, the death of the citizen Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America.

In fulfilling this most honorable duty my heart is overwhelmed by the greatest and most glowing pain, which can only be felt by true republicans at the sad end of that great man.

I am, your most obsequient servant,

MANUEL MOLINARES.

The VICE-CONSUL of the United States of America.

RESOLUTION.

The municipal council of Bananquilla, faithful interpreter of the people it represents, declares that Abraham Lincoln has merited the sympathies of society for his eminent services lent to humanity, by returning to the condition of freemen four millions of beings held by shameful avarice in the catalogue of beasts, condemned to labor night and day to uphold in idleness and luxury their

oppressors.

That it disapproves and condemns the horrifying crime committed, on the 14th of April of this year, on the person of the enlightened citizen Abraham Lincoln, by the treacherous hand of the partisans of the traffic in human flesh.