bury is about to open another negotiation with the regicides of Paris; and it appears at the fame time, that the Directory and Councils are feeing which fhall cut the others throats. They are glaring, cafting their baleful eyes at one another, like Milton's Death and the Devil at the gates of Hell. They are preparing to firike. Strike away, in the name of all that's juft. Strike both at once, and may the arms of both be fuccefsful!

I wish to see a new revolution in France, if it be only to prevent England from making peace; for if they make peace, before we are readmitted into the infernal graces of the Carmagnoles, we shall be treated just like a conquered country. They will Geneva us, they will Venice us, till we have not a fhilling in our pockets or a shirt on our backs.

It is vainly imagined by those who cry in the very fame accent, and without intermiffion, Peace, peace, peace, peace! it is vainly imagined by thefe guineafowl politicians, as Burke calls them, that when France has made peace with all the reft of the world, her tyrants will forbear to rob and domineer over the United States! Il-founded hope! filly expectation! Look at their conduct towards other weak ftates. To the formidable powers, though their most bitter enemies, they grant honourable terms. Pruffia and the Emperor have made as good a peace with them as they could wifh; but how have they treated Holland, Geneva, Venice, Genoa, and the fmall states of Italy? and how are they going to treat Switzerland? What is moft curious is, that all thofe fiates which have fhown any friendship for them; all those who have aided them, either by their ftrength, or by a finifter neutrality, have fallen a facrifice to them. The Duke of Tufcany's neutrality opened a paffage for them into the heart of Italy; Genoa fed and protected their armies in fpite of the menaces of a British fleet; Holland opened its gates

to

to them; Venice refifted every offer of the coalefced powers, and obftinately perfevered in its friendship and partiality to France; nay, the French armies were fuffered, without resistance, to traverse part of the Venetian territories to attack the Emperor with more advantage; as a recompenfe for which, the French have fince given the Emperor thofe very territories!

Switzerland has remained neuter in the newfashioned way; that is to fay, its territory has been the barrier for France against its enemies, and, at the fame time, a fort of ambush for the French armies. This neutral country has been a recruiting rendezvous for the Carmagnoles, juft as this country was becoming in the year 1793. Upwards of 30,000 Swifs, to speak within compafs, have been fighting all this war in the fervice of the murderers of their brave countrymen, the King of France's guards! This neutral country has conftantly been the place of refidence of one of the rulers of France. Here were planned and organized the confpiracies that have revolutionized Europe; here the different agents affembled: it was the very focus of rebellion. This Switzerland is now become ufelefs. It has rendered the fervice for which it was hired, and its term is come: it is now to be squeezed dry; its neutral plunder is to be difgorged, and it is to be reduced to that nothing from which it arofe. Part of one of the Cantons has already petitioned Bonaparte to be joined on to the new republic, and we fhall foon hear of others following the patriotic example. This is the way the French always work. They take poffeffion of a country at the request of the people; but the fame request will not get them out of it.

After all these examples, is there, can there be any human being fo ftupid, fo befotted, as to imagine that they will act with moderation and juftice towards us? They rob us, fpit in our faces, and thumb-fcrew

us now, even when they know there is a potent enemy whom we could join, to their deftruction; and can it then be fuppofed, that they will become all mildnefs and juftice the moment they have, by a peace with the enemy, cut off the poffibility of our obtaining any mortal aid? No; the inftant they have made peace with England, ware hawk, America! They will foon tell us what their pleasure is, and what it is not. For my part, I fhould not wonder if their faction had already a petition drawn up, requesting the Republique, one and indivisible, to take us under her protection. Look fharp, neighbours! hide your pence!

"Warmeft Senfibility," excited by the yellow Fever.From the Bofton Price Current." The malignant "fever, now prevalent in Philadelphia, excites the "warmeft fenfibility of the citizens"

Mr. Lifton's Conduct in Blount's Affair defended.The editor of the Aurora, in his answer to the queries of Ariftides, like other quibbling advocates of falfehood, ftates one half of the evidence, and leaves out the other. He fays that there is evidence of Mr. Lifton having received propofitions, but he forgets the evidence that Mr. Lifton declined giving any encouragement to thofe propofitions, merely referring them, with his objections, to his Government, by which they were exprefsly rejected; and yet all thofe

*Thus, you fee, the Bostonians think we feel just the fame refentment at the depredations of the yellow fever, as the House of Reprefentatives did at thofe of the French. It excites our "warmeft fenfibility," they think. Ridiculous jargon! What does it mean? Say it excites fear, dread, confternation, and confufion, and you may be understood; but who can divine your meaning when you fay, that a malignant and contagious disease excites Our "warmest fenfibility?" It is one of thofe new-fangled terms, where ignorance or infincerity fhelters itself under the garb of ponfenfe.

facts

facts are proved by the fame teftimony; namely, Mr. Lifton's own notes to the Secretary of State.

This editor has always found out that Mr. Genet's project was lefs criminal than that of Lifion, and for two reafons; 1ft, Because there was no law of the United States at that period, which forbid our citizens from engaging within our territory, in expeditions against nations with whom we are at peace; and 2dly, Because the expedition of Mr. Genet was not to be carried on through or from the United States, while that of Mr. Lifton was.

I will not infift on the impudent abfurdity of calling that Mr. Lifton's project, which he merely heard and referred to his Government, and which his Government rejected. I will fuppofe that he, like Genet, had actually formed this project, and engaged warmly in the execution of it; I will fuppofe that he, like Genet, had granted military commiffions to a number of our citizens, within our own territory, and had attempted regular enliftments of troops, of neither of which there is the flighteft evidence, or even pretence; and ftill I will contend, and it must be evident from the flightest attention to the testimony, that the two projects would, even in that cafe, be exactly alike. Genet gave commiffions and enlifted men in the country; though, as he declared, they were to rendezvous on the Spanish territory. This, however, the editor of the Aurora fays, was not to carry on an expedition against Spain, through or from the United States. Commiffions are given, and men are enlifted within the United States, for the express purpose of affembling on the Spanish territory, and there forming an army for the reduction of that territory; and this is not to carry on an expedition against Spain from or through the United States. So fays the editor of the Aurora; and be it fo. But what was Blount's or Chisholm's project, which this editor calls Mr. Lifton's? According to the

letter of the Minister himself, who has furnished all the evidence on the fubject, it was to raise the King's ftandard on the Spanish territory, and take measures here for inducing a number of Americans to join it. No logician, who has not been educated in the fchool of the Aurora, can find a difference between thefe two cafes.

The editor of the Aurora indeed afferts, in his anfwer to the first query, that there is evidence of Mr. Lifton's having taken Chisholm into his employ. This, however, is a direct falfehood, not in the editor, but in the perfon who gave him the information contained in this anfwer. That information cannot be found in any thing before the public, and it must relate to evidence, the particulars whereof it was the intention and refolution of the body which took it to keep fecret. How it came into the Aurora, must be left to conjecture: but the writer of this article 'takes on himself to declare, that the above particular is perfectly falfe, and that there exifts no fuch teftimony as that "Mr. Lifton took Captain Chisholm into his employ."

As to the other point, that the laws of the United States did not, in Genet's time, forbid our citizens from entering into foreign fervice for the purpose of committing hoftilities against nations at peace with us, there are feveral obfervations to be made.

In the first place, the offence charged against our citizens was not, as this editor alleges, the having expatriated themselves and then entered into fuch fervice; but the having agreed to enter into fuch fervice while in this country, and then left it for that exprefs purpose. This was always contrary to the laws of the United States, and was declared to be fo by all the courts. A jury, indeed, acquitted a man who was charged with this offence, and even with having enlifted in foreign ferviee in this country; but it is the courts, not the juries, to whom we are to look