Page images
PDF
EPUB

Farewell Blockheads, unless in cases of actual investiture!--I shall be told, that we have not stipulated with America to refrain from any of these impediments to neutral commerce. Oh, no! There needs no stipulation. The events on Lakes Ontario and Champlain, at New Orleans and Mobile, at Fayal, and on the Ocean itself, will, I am very certain admonish our ministers of the danger of bringing the Republic on our backs, while we have to look France in the face. The war, the war which I so laboured to prevent; that war, whieh was to divide and subjugate the Republic according to the predictions of our Cossack writers; that war has left the Republic on the tripple pinnacle of military, naval, and political glory: happy for her, if it has also left her with a deep horror for all war, not necessary to the preservation of her independence, rights, honour and liberty! But, seeing what has passed, do our Cossack writers expect to see her again acting the humble and the degrading part which she acted before? Do they not see, that the very first infringement on her neutral rights will be the signal for our seeing her "Bits of striped

has done; but, he has not done all that was expected, and has done some things which were not expected.-It is quite impossible for me to know, whether, or no, Napoleon, is best calculated to make France happy; but, to him who is most disposed to make her happy and free, I most sincerely wish success.At any rate, with the same earnestness, with the same anxiety, with the same forebodings of evil if my prayer be rejected, which I felt when I so often besought our Government not to embark, and, when embarked, not to persevere, in the war against the Republic of America, I now beseech, I implore them, not, on any account, to draw the sword, to waste the treasure and pour out the blood of our beloved and long suffering country in this new quarrel.-We all now feel the sorrows of a twenty years war, in the taxes and troubles which have trod upon its heels. If a new war were now to be undertaken, and that, too, for the sake of the Bourbons, what must be our fate? The question would now be cleared of all the rubbish of 1792. If the king of France stand in -need of no foreign aid, why should we draw the sword to give him aid? If he do" Bunting" flying and our hearing the stand in need of foreign aid, is it not sound of her cannon in the English clear, that the people of France are Channel? What, then, would be the against him? If we, in the former case, other consequence of war? Why, we interfere, we do it unnecessarily; if it should see the ocean covered with Amein the latter case, we make war to force rican merchant ships. upon a foreign nation a Government would carry on half the trade of which it does not like. Therefore, it the whole world. France would be appears to me, that it is impossible to supplied with colonial produce. Her Justify war against Napoleon upon any trade would flourish in the midst of ground that, at present, exists.-Besides, war. We should make few prizes. Our have the writers, who already begin to prize-courts would have nothing to do. cry for war, considered at all of the There would be little for our navy to consequences? All the taxes hitherto col- gain. Our mercantile marine would have lected must be continued? The Debt little employment. That of the Ameriand the taxes must go on augmenting, can Republic would swell to an enormous till, at last, it will be impossible to go on. amount. Her military marine would inBut, is this all? Is this all? Would not crease in the like proportion. And, at our situation be very different indeed the end of a few years (many would not from what it was during the war? Then, be wanted), it would not be at all wonthough our expenses were enormous,derful, if she were able to step in and dethey were, in some degree, balanced by that monopoly of trade and commerce, which put our hands into the purse of all the world, and which, after destroying all the military fleets in Europe, we so easily maintained. Now, what would be the case? Farewell Licences! Farewell Orders in Council! Farewell Impressments on board of American Ships!

The Republic

cide the war.-Reader; am I talking foolishly? Am I rattling on? Am I exagge rating the danger? Look back to the pages of the Register, in the year 1812, while I was yet in prison for writing about the flogging of Local militia-men and the presence of German troops on the ocasion, and just before I paid the Prince Regent· a thousand pounds tine, in the name and

them to the continuation and augmentation of that force. It will assuredly go on increasing. Dock yards, arsenals,

will be formed. In short, a great navy will speedily grow up; and this will produce a great change in our situation with regard to warlike means. If we go to war with Napoleon, he has now seen the vast importance of American friendship. America will keep at peace while we suf

all over the world. That would ruin us. But, on the other hand, if we attempt to prevent it, we shall have to fight her both by land and by sea. Here is choice of evils; but I am not like Sir Francis Burdett's gentlemen, who present him, as he most justly complains, with a choice of evils, and nothing else; for, 1 say, that both these evils may be avoided by our remaining at peace, and leaving the French, and the Italians, and the Neapolitans, and the Swiss, and the Belgians, and the Russians, and the Spaniards, and the Prussians, and the Austrians, and the Hungarians, and the Dutch, and the Hanoverians, to settle their own affairs in their own good time and manner. And the Portuguese. I had nearly forgotten the Portuguese; and, faith, they ought not to be forgotten; for they have not been a trifle in the list of our expenses, whether of mo

behalf of the King. Look back to those pages, and there you will find, that I was treated as a fool, or a traitor, because I besought the government not to go to war, and not to proceed in the war, against America; because I asserted that it would be productive of great expense, loss, and disgrace, and would cause America to become a great and formidable naval power. How often did I repeat this. How tired were my readers at the seem-fer her unmolested to carry on her trade ingly endless repetition! How many people wrote to me to advise me to desist! How many sincere friends besought me, for the love of my own character as a writer, not to proceed! How many, whose principles were with mine en all points, differed with me on the fact as to this point!-- -Yet, all I foreboded has already come to pass, and that, too, to the very letter. Many persons say, and I believe the fact, that I assisted greatly in producing the peace with America. On no act of my life do I look with greater satisfaction than on this. But, how much happier would it have been for my country, if I could have succeeded in preventing the war! The evils of this war, short as it has been, I have no scruple to say, are greater than those of the late wars against France. I mean the evils to our Government particularly. It was a war against freemen. It was a war against a Repub-ney or of men. Let us leave them all to lic. She was pitted single-handed against our undivided power. The world were the spectators. They have followed us with their eyes in the contest, and have now witnessed the, to us, lamentable result. -Ratified the treaty! To be sure the President and Senate would ratify the treaty; a treaty which covered with immortal honour, the President, the Congress, the Negotiators, the Army, the Navy, every man in the land; and, above all, the Constitution of Government, which the war had put upon its trial, which has come out of it like pure gold out of the fire, and which will now be not only more dear than ever to the hearts of Americans, but will present itself as an object of admiration and attraction to every oppressed people in the world. ---I am afraid I have been digressing. Let me come back, then, to the main drift of the present article by observing, that the events of this war have taught the Republicans the great value of a nawal force, while they have encouraged

themselves. Let us leave the Dutcla Presbyterians to supply the Portuguese and Spaniards with wooden Gods, and Virgins and Saints. Let us receive the corn of France when we want it, and the wine and oil which we always want; and let her receive our steel, copper, tin, cloth, and other things. But, let who will be the Ruler, LET US HAVE PEACE WITH HIM.

TREATY WITH NAPOLEON.

ALTHOUGH in the present state of matters, with little else to guide one's opinions than the ex parte and partial statements of his enemies, it would not be well advised to speculate on the views and intentions of Napoleon, I cannot permit the opportu nity, which offers itself, to pass, without making a few remarks on the treaty concluded between him and the allied powers on the 11th April, 1814; by which treaty, Napoleon, on the one hand, re

signed the Crowns of France and Italy, | His Empress was to be put in possession and the allies, on the other, guaranteed of three duchies in Italy, which were the fulfilment of certain conditions by to pass to her son, and his descendLouis the XVIII, the nonfulfilment of ants, The members of his family were which, it is said, has occasioned Napo- to receive an annual allowance of two leon's return to France.-By this treaty, million five hundred thousand francs ; a copy of which I have given below, it and to Prince Eugene, then Viceroy of will be seen that the island of Elba, Italy, was to be given a suitable estabwhich was selected by Napoleon him-lishment, in consideration of his relin self as his future residence, was declar- quishing all claims upon that country.--ed by the allied powers, to form "dur. It is well known, that Napoleon, and all "ing his life," a separate principality, the members of his house, were strict in "which shall be possessed by him in full their adherence to the conditions incum"sovereignty and property."-All our bent upon them by this treaty It is newspapers, in servileimitation of the min- now said to be equally notorious, that isters of Louis, have been extremely for- they have been almost all violated by the ward in denouncing Napoleon a "trai- other contracting party. The annual "tor and rebel to his country," because allowances in money, which were to have he dared to set foot on the territory of been paid by the court of France, have, France. In this they have shewn them- we are told, been withheld; the Empress selves utterly unacquainted with the po- Maria Louisa not put in possession of litical relations in which Napoleon stood Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla; and no to the surrounding nations.-The mo- establishment provided for the Viceroy ment he relinquished the crown of France, of Italy. If all this be true, Napoleon she was no longer his country; he owed has to complain of a manifest violation her no allegiance because he had sworn of the contract by which he relinquished no fealty to her. He had made choice of his former authority; and to me he apthe isle of Elba, for his country. It pears to have a right to reclaim those was declared a separate principality by crowns, which he surrendered on the solemn treaty, subscribed by all the great faith of the treaty being fulfilled in every powers of Europe, and these same powers particular. To say nothing of the wishes had guaranteed Napoleon's right and title of the people of France, who, I have no to reign over it "in full soro ciguty."--- | doubt, are almost to a man for Napoleon, However circumscribed the island of El- it would seem that he has an undeniable ba, however limited the number of its title to assert his claims in the manner he inhabitants, Napoleon was as much an is now doing, I know of no instance, independent Sovereign, as any of the mo- where a sovereign abdicated a throne narchs who entered into treaty with him. with the same inherent right to resume --But this was not the only consequence possession of it. His predecessors were of the recognition of the sovereignty of generally at the mercy of those who exNapoleon. He did not merely owe no pelled them. They were not in a conallegiance to France, or any other power, dition to stipulate for any thing, not even He was entitled, in case of any violation for the safety of their persons. How of treaty on the part of his neighbours, very different was the situation of to punish every infraction of that treaty Napoleon. In place of accepting terms to the utmost of his ability, This is a from his supposed victors, he dictated principle acknowledged by all writers on them; and the prompt manner with which the law of nations. It was upon this the Allied Powers agreed to these terms, principle that the allies justified the was no small proof that they considered invasion of France, and even defended him still a formidable object, He retired their conduct when they refused to treat from the contest under the faith and sowith Napoleon in the character of Sove- lemnity of a treaty; he returns to it, bereign of that empire. Has Napoleon cause that treaty, as is said, has been then done more than attempt to punish broken. This being the state of the the infraction of a treaty? Not only case, Napoleon appears to me to have was his title to the "full sovereignty done nothing more than all other indeof Elba acknowledged by solemn treaty, pendent sovereigns have a right to do, but he was to receive for his own use an if placed in similar circumstances. annual revenue of two millions of francs. has appealed to the sword; and as those

He

Art. 3. The Isle of Elba, adopted by his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon as the place of his residence, shall form, during his life, a separate principality; which shall be possessed by him in full Sovereignty and property; there shall be besides granted, in full property, to the Emperor Napoleon, an annual revenue of 2,000,000 francs, in rent charge, in the great book of France, of which 1,000,000 shall be in reversion to the Empress.

who refused to listen to his claims Art. 2, Their Majesties the Emperor seem to shelter themselves under the Napoleon and Maria Louisa shall retain courtier plea that "might gives right," their titles and rank, to be enjoyed he is willing that the question should during their lives. The mother, the be decided on that principle.--But brothers, sisters, nephews, and nieces of it is said, "that France never became the Emperor, shall also retain, wherever a party to the treaty by which Napo- they may reside, the titles of Princes of "leon's independence and pensions were his family. "sanctioned."-It should rather be said, that the Bourbons have refused to concur in this, the people of France, it is pretty evident, never having been consulted in the matter. But what is it to the purpose although ali France were hostile to this measure? It was in consequence of the treaty and by virtue of that treaty alone, that Louis the Desired was restored to them. Had Napoleon not consented to give up his claims to the throne of France, a civil war might have been the consequence, and who can say whether this might not have terminated fatally to the Bourbons?-Besides, by the 20th article of the treaty "the high allied powers guarantee the execution "of all the articles of the present treaty, "and engage to obtain that it shall be "adopted and guaranteed by France." That treaty therefore which placed Louis upon the throne, required of France the performance of certain conditions to Napoleon and his family. It was by this tenure that the former resumed the crown of his ancestors, and if it has not been strictly adhered to, every thing naturally reverts back to that state, when it was in the power of the latter to present obstacles to the return of his rival. It may be thought that the allies are bound to interfere, and to compel Louis, in consequence of their guarantee, to do justice to Napoleon. Of this, however, there is little hope; although from what we have seen take place during the late war, it will be no way extraordinary to find the soldiers of Russia, of Prussia, or of Austria, again fighting in the ranks with those of Napoleon.

66

Articles of the treaty between the allied powers and his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon

Art. 1. His Majesty the Emperor Napoleon renounces for himself, his successors, and descendants, as well as for all the members of his family, all right of sovereignty and deminion, as well to the French Empire and the Kingdom of Italy, as over every other country.

Art. 4. The Duchies of Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla, shall be granted, in full property and sovereignty, to her Majesty the Empress Maria Louisa; they shall pass to her son, and to the descendants in the right line. The prince her son shall from henceforth take the title of Prince of Parma, Placentia and Guastalla.

Art. 5. All the powers engage to employ their good offices to cause to be respected by the Barbary powers the flag and territory of the Isle of Elba, for which purpose the relations with the Barbary powers shall be assimilated to those with France.

Art. 6. There shall be reserved in the territories hereby renounced, to his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, for himself and his family, domains or rentcharges in the great book of France, producing a revenue, clear of all deductions and charges, of 2,500,000 francs. These domains or rents shall belong, in full property, and to be disposed of as they shall think fit, to the Princes and Princesses of his family, and shall be divided amongst them in such manner that the revenue of each shall be in the following proportion, viz.

To Madame Mere

Francs. 400,000

To King Joseph and his Queen 500,000
To King Louis
200,000
To the Queen Hortense and her

[merged small][ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

400,000

[merged small][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small]

The Princes and Princesses of the necessary passports for the free passage House of the Emperor Napoleon shall of his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, retain besides their property, moveable or of the Empress, the Princes, and and immoveable, of whatever nature it Princesses, and all the persons of their may be, which they shall possess by in-suites who wish to accompany them, or dividual and public right, and the rents to establish themselves out of France, as of which they shall enjoy (also as indi-well as for the passage of all the equi viduals.)

Art. 7. The annual pension of the Empress Josephine shall be reduced to 1,000,000, in domains, or in inscriptions in the great book of France'; she shall continue to enjoy in full property, all her private property, moveable and immoveable, with power to dispose of it conformably to the French laws.

Art. 8. There shall be granted to Prince Eugene, Viceroy of Italy, a suitable establishment our of France.

Art. 9. The property which bis Majesty the Emperor Napoleon possesses in France, either as extraordinary domain, or of private domain attached to the crown, the fund's placed by the Emperor, either in the great book of France, in the Bank of France, in the Actions des Forets, or in any other manner, and which his majesty abandons to the crown, shall be reserved as a capital, which shall not es 2,0,4,000, to be expended in gratifications in favour of such persons, whose names shall be contained in a list to be signed by the Emperor Napoleon, and shall be transmitted to the French Government.

Art. 10. All the crown diamonds shall remain in France.

Art. 11. His Majesty the Emperor Napoleon shall return to the treasury, and to the other public chests, all the sams and effects that shall have been taker out by his orders, with the excepfrom of what has been appropriated from the Civil List.

Art. 12. The debts of the household of his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, wch asthey were on the day of the signature of the present treaty, shall be mimediately discharged out of the arrears dhe by the public treasury to the Civil List, according to a list, which shall be signed by a Commissioner appointed for that purpose.

pages, horses, and effects belong-
ing to them. The allied powers shall in
consequence furnish Officers and men for
escorts.

Art. 15. The French imperial guard
shall furnish a detachment of from 1,200
to 1,500 men, of all arms, to serve as an
escort to the Emperor Napoleon to St.
Tropes, the place of his embarkation.

Art. 16. There shall be furnished a corvette, and the necessary transport vessels, to convey to the place of his destination his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon and his household; and the corvette shall belong, in full property, to his Majesty the Emperor.

Art. 17. The Emperor Napoleon shall be allowed to take with him and retain as bis guard 400 men, volunteers, as well officers, as sub-officers and soldiers,

Art. 18. No Frenchman, who shall have followed the Emperor Napoleon or his family, shall be held to have forfeited his rights as such, by not returning to France, within three years; at least they shall not be comprised in the exceptions which the French Government reserves to itself to grant after the expiration of that term.

Art. 19. The Polish troops of all arms, in the service of France, shall lie at liberty to return home, and shall retain their arms and baggage, as a testimony of their honourable services. The officers, sub-officers, and soldiers, shall retain the decorations which have beed granted to them, and the pensions anexed to these decorations.

Art. 20. The high allied powers gua[rantee the execution of all the articles of the present treaty, and engage to obtain that it shall be adopted and guaranteed® by France.

Art. 21. The present act shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at Paris within two days, or stoner if pos sible.

Art. 13. The obligations of the MontNapoleon, of Milan, towards all the ereditors, whether Frenchmen or foreign-Done at Paris, the 11th of April, 1815ers, shall be exactly fulfilled, onless there (L. S.) The Prince de Maternion. me change made in this respect. (E. S.) J. P. Compte de Stadion. There shall be given all the L. S.) Andre Comte de Rasonmoufsky

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
« PreviousContinue »