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equal energy, and far more tact in the management of men. I could imagine him, as he stood before the corpse of the departed philosopher, reciting part of the lines of Mark Antony over the body of the self-slaughtered Brutus, never more just than if spoken by Weed at the coffin of Greeley:

"This was the noblest Roman of them all.

He only, in a general honest thought,
And common good to all, made one of them.
His life was gentle, and the elements

So mixed in him that Nature might stand up
And say to all the world, This was a man!”

One remark made to me by Thurlow Weed, several years ago, when we were conversing about our experience in public life, recurs to me as I am thinking of another character: "I can imagine no better way to finish my career than as the editor of a weekly paper in a rural town; a paper that I would make a model of typography and good temper, in which I might speak freely and kindly of everybody and everything. With my love for elegant printing and for preparing leaders, and my fondness for paragraphs, I would be a reasonably busy and almost entirely happy man." He seems to have preferred a different and perhaps a wiser course; and now, in the circle of a devoted family and hosts of old friends, he is filling out the hours of a well-spent life in agreeable conversation and occasional contributions to the periodicals.

Thurlow Weed's dream of a newspaper elysium as the editor of a prosperous weekly, in which at once to enjoy perfect independence and perfect ease, is fully realized in The Germantown Telegraph, in the County of Philadelphia. Fifty years ago (March 14, 1830), a boy called Philip R. Freas resolved to start a newspaper in the sparsely settled village of Germantown, now a part of the great city of Philadelphia, which, to use the words of his genial biographer, Eugene H. Munday,

Esq., "has since opened and received both the village and the paper." His platform was to be "thoroughly independent and straightforward in upholding what he conceived to be right, and denouncing what he conceived to be wrong," and his objective point to make a first-class family and agricultural newspaper. And, now that the lad has grown to ripe manhood, he can look over his past life with the consciousness that he has been true to his platform, and that his little weekly has expanded into a source of usefulness to the community and of profit to himself. Like Thurlow Weed, he has never held an office, though more than once high honors have been tendered to him, ex-President Grant having, a few years ago, offered him the valuable position of Commissioner of Agriculture, now held by Hon. Frederick Watts, which he gratefully yet firmly declined. Germantown has outgrown its village small clothes, and is a lovely suburban city of twenty-seven thousand inhabitants, while The Telegraph, originally fourteen by twenty-two inches, and five columns to a page, is now thirty-one and a half by forty-eight inches, each page of nine columns, in forty years changing its size six times. The limited spot from which it was first issued has increased into a splendid country seat, where the kindly owner cultivates the soil, indulging his tastes as a gentleman farmer and horticulturist, and where he points with just pride to his manifold varieties of fruits, from the luscious grape to delicious pears, peaches, and apples. The gold-fish in his pond are the wonder of the neighborhood; and his fine collection of shade and ornamental trees, including specimens from every clime, attest alike his own success in business, and prove the theories intelligently discussed in his columns by these practical evidences on his own premises. There is no publication which I read with more pleasure than The Telegraph (and this with thousands of others), because it is the work of a gentleman, and, certainly, there is no place near Philadelphia more beautiful than the grounds of its hospitable proprietor.

Here,

for many years past, Major Freas has at intervals invited his friends. They are always welcome, winter and summer. The good Major knows how to select his company and how to entertain it. Nothing is wanting to complete these occasional reunions. He is as proud of his madeira and champagne as he is of his fruits and his fishes; but that which adds to the flavor of his greeting is the earnest cordiality of his manners and the raciness of his humor. The manly candor in his writings is always reflected in the frankness of his conversation. He prints exactly as he talks; has his own notions of men and of parties; cherishes his friendships and his prejudices; strikes very hard when he is angry; and forgives very readily when he is cool. In his cosy rooms I have spent more than one happy evening with witty and learned men; while on his broad porch I have enjoyed the delicious breath of spring and summer and autumn, as we discussed the past and anticipated the future. How different such a life and how much more comfortable and contented than the experience of the rich man who is harassed between the cares of keeping, and the responsibility of spending, his money; or the bitter struggles of the statesman, who alternates between the triumph of to-day and the defeat of tomorrow; or the feverish trials of the speculator, often brought to sudden bankruptcy in an hour! Perhaps no part of the story of The Germantown Telegraph is so full of compensation as its great influence in the cause of good government. A stanch Republican, the veteran editor is no less resolute in opposing what he conceives to be wrong in his own party than he is prompt in denouncing it in the other.

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NEW YEARs 2.0, 1863, was marked by the first proclamation et emane patios and great was the resulting alarm.

Now ev

28 tied Colored men sit in Congress side by side wd the r former masters There are colored lawyers, doctors, and process vs in 17 business at the national capital. Former rebek pract se in the courts of the North, and former slaves in the courts of the South. Nearly all the early champions of slavery, nearly all the early apostles of abolition, have gone to their graves. But their double warning and example survive, and it is surprising how completely the passions they produced have subsided. A generous Government enfranchises the colored man and forgives his oppressor, and they move along in their respective spheres equal in law and in fact, each dependent on his own exertions, and each entitled to a fair chance in the struggles of the future.

In the centuries that lie beyond, no chapter of history will be so curious as this. Men will wonder that an experiment which produced such astonishing blessings should have been so long avoided and postponed. Our posterity will look back with as much surprise that slavery was ever tolerated in this country as we look back to the existence of the Spanish Inquisition or the fights of the gladiators in the Roman arena.

A few weeks ago there died in Philadelphia a venerable colored man, aged eighty-six, who had lived three remarkable experiences. He voted for General Jackson in 1828 and 1832, and lost his vote in 1838 by the insertion of the word “white” in the Constitution of Pennsylvania; and, thirty years after, in 1869, became a free man again under the Fifteenth Amendment of the National Constitution. I remember him as a Democrat

when I was a boy, next as an alien, and, finally, as a Republican leader.

About the same time I attended a public meeting in Philadelphia and heard a colored orator address an immense audience in strains of singular eloquence. He was my correspondent at Richmond in 1865, after the fall of the Confederacy, and, while writing letters for The Press in the State House, was insulted by an angry Confederate, whom he deliberately knocked down and soundly thrashed. He is now an accomplished member of the bar of Louisiana.

Senator Wigfall, of Texas, returned to his allegiance a few years before his death, at Marshall, Texas. Never shall I forget the scene in the Senate, in 1860, when he predicted that the people who were applauding Andrew Johnson would soon come down from the galleries and take possession of the Gov

ernment.

Roger A. Pryor is practising law in New York, and may be counted as a possible successor of Fernando Wood or S. S. Cox.

R. M. T. Hunter was a candidate for United States Senator before the conservative Legislature of Virginia-an able, cool, and cautious statesman; while close in the same race we may enumerate A. H. H. Stuart and John Letcher, the first a heavy talker, the latter a rapid declaimer, full of rugged wit.

Let us not be surprised to see Robert Toombs, of Georgia, once more in the Senate, with his strong passions calmed by time, his black locks turned gray, and his strong convictions tempered by unchangeable revolution.

Perhaps nothing in these holiday times is more surprising than the declaration of Alexander H. Stephens, the old associate of Mr. Toombs, as early as 1873, in favor of the civil rights of the colored man-not their political, but their entire equality, as contended for by the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts. Sumner and Stephens square on the same platform! The opposition on a logical level! Both see that there can be

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