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any man of common discernment, that men who have nothing to call their own, are, in fact (whatever they may be called) slaves. In the East Indies, the cultivators of the land have all the produce taken from them, except just enough to keep them from actually perishing. When the harvest approaches to ripeness, troops are set round the fields to prevent the husbandman from smuggling away any part of the fruit of his labour. All is reized on by the accursed Aumils, or renters of taxes; and a miserable pittance handed back to the cultivator for his bare subsistence. This is slavery the most abject; ten thSusand times worse than that experienced in Algiers. To this pitch we, thank God, are not come; and, it is our duty, a duty we owe to the memory of our fathers, as well as to ourselves and our children, to take care that to this pitch we do not come, In all our thoughts and deliberations, this ought to be the first object. When, as in the approaching election for this county, we have an opportunity of choosing a person to defend our rights, we should first of all consider, whether he be, or will be, a watchful and faithful guardian of the fruits of our labour; or, whether he be a man likely to avail himself of his power, not to defend us, but to enrich himself at our expence. No matter what party he belongs to, or has belonged to. This is a question beneath our notice. We must resolve to break through these trammels, or we shall continue to be the sport of designing knaves, who have so long succeeded in persuading the people, that to be consistent they must continue their support of whatever man they bave once been led to support, though all the circumstances may have changed, and though that same man may have falsified all his professions and promises. The occurrences at the last meeting gave me a proof, that the spirit of the country is dormant, but not dead; and, though I know well how mighty corrupt influence is, in this county in particular, I am persuaded, that, in spite of the whole power of that influence, any gentleman of known fortune, of known good moral character, would succeed to the vacant seat, if he came unpropped and unpolluted by party, and stood upon the firm ground of the Constitution. For such a man, every man, whose vote was worth having, would vote; and, that freeholder, who would vote for any other sort of candidate, must be either destitute of sense or of principle.- I am, Sir, your most obedient

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N. B. It has been suggested to me, that, if MAJOR HOGAN would advertise the Numbers of the four Bank notes, they could be easily traced to their late possessors; and, as his not having done this, is, by many intelligent and respectable persons, regarded as just ground of doubt with respect to the truth of the history connected with those notes, I confess, that I should be much pleased to see it done.

MR. POULTER'S LETTER.

Meonstoke, Nov 10, 1903. SIR, My immediate view in thus addressing you is, through your favour and candour, to correct some of the errors respecting my part in the late Hampshire County Meeting, which have been c in your journal, as well as in most of newspapers, from the report taken others, of whose partiality I shall heres speak.--First, with regard to what I said c Mr. Garnier, whom I am erroneously stated to have termed, my relation, I desire to repeat my words which were these, "I re"frained from speaking to order before, "because it concerned the case of a per

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son, with whom if I may not call myself "connected, yet to whom I feel my self so "strongly attached that I might appear, as "I am, partial to a character which however I admire, I leave to speak for itself "to all who know him."-I have to add, in answer to your subsequent journal, that I am now desirous of speaking for him, to all who know him not; to which latter description I think you belong. You therein state your object at the meeting to have been, to give his friends an opportunity to answer you a fair object I admit, and give you credit for its being so intended by you; but contend that it was wholly unattainable in the manner proposed, because no such opportunity was thereby given; for all discussion of the case was so absolutely inadmissible, that had I, or any other person, as well inclined and better enabled to do it justice, attempted it, his discussion of it must have been prevented in the same way, and for the same reason, that your introduction of it was interrupted, as being entirely out of order; and herein I complain of your introducing a case, in the nature of a charge, at a place and time where and when it could not be discussed in defence; thereby leaving a reflection, which, however false, could not be then removed. Since your journal does now afford that op. portunity of answer, which your speech, however so intended by you, did net, I trust you are now as ready to give it by your insertion as I am to take it by my sug

gestion of the following answer.-Though your subsequent information, and admission, in part anticipates my objections to your previous reflections, yet your continued arguments and assertions, and stil! more the public impression, which being once made by you requires being removed by me, make me persist in this necessary communication to you and them.-If, as you argue, Mr. Garnier's situation has a natural tendency to his general dependence | and to his particular attachment to war, be has the more extraordinary merit for being, as you partly admit, and as he wholly is, in effect, free from both those natural failings, for which you allow he has sufficient cause, and therefore excuse; of which, however, e need not avail himself, for it is notorious o those who know him, that of all men Fou could have singled out, he is the most ore and tender on the subject of war; the Fery name and nature of which he loaths and abhors, both from his general feelings of humanity, and his particular sofferances of calamity under it. For you and the pobFic are to learn, that in all honourable and ensible estimation of loss and gain, such as would never be denied to any indifferent person, much less to him, he is on a baance of feeling and fortune an infinitely greater loser than gainer by the war, which either you nor they will be surprised to ear when I inform you, that he has lost four ons, in the service of his country by the var, and most happily would he repay the money he has gained, could you restore the jood he has lost; for of all men, he is the ast, who from his liberal education, geneous habits, and parental feelings, would arter affections for interests. These may e called my speculative inferences from his apposed feelings, though even in that iew I cannot think them over strained; but he facts themselves confirm my supposiions, for in the first place, so far is he trom eing actually a particular approver of the var, or even a general supporter of governBent, that nothing has ever induced him, r if I can judge from what he has said or one on that subject, ever will induce him, support the war by any thought, word, r deed. In the next place, so far is he from aving been an uniform supporter of government, as you suppose, that he has frequen', y been in opposition to it. As a common ase in point, which is better than any other ingle instance I could give, I adduce, his ong and constant support of Mr. Jervoise uring his continued cpposition to several ifferent administrations ;-so much for Ir. G's. actual independence of conduct.

In proof of his virtual independence of situation, I produce the following statement of his case.-Mr. Garnier's Patent Place, of apothecary general to the army, was granted to him in reversion, during the life of his father, who had a former grant, dated March 1735; Mr. Garnier's patent bears date the 19th of January 1747, the year in which he was at Eton School, from whence he proceeded to Trinity College, Cambridge. It therefore appears that this patent has been in the family 74 years, during which time, the business has been transacted by deputy.-There is no salary annexed to the office, but the patent officer is considered as belonging to the staff of the army, and receives ten shillings a day.No other profit er perquisite is derived from the public treasury.-Mr. Garnier's emoluments arise wholly from the contingent profits to which any commercial man is entitled who trades with a large capital.—It is necessary to undeceive you and the public, by stating, Mr. Garnier does not receive twelve thousand a year, out of the public money give me leave therefore to explain his particular situation, from which, I am persuaded, you will agree with me, in thinking, he is not overpaid, for the great risk, and responsibility, which has frequently been to the amount of £150,000 a year. Mr. G. is, by his patent, to furnish the whole British army with drugs and medical stores; and must always be prepared to meet the demands of an immense army, at any moment; he is bound to keep a great stock of articles solely for the service of the army.—Mr. Garnier's profits and perquisites, you state to amount to £12.000 a year; this estimate you have taken from the profits of the three last years only, and i conceive, you give a false impression of the place, when you assert the apothecary general receives that sum annually; whereas the, general average would not amount to onefourth of that sum.-Mr. Garnier, who is incapable of managing any part of this great concern, employs agents to carry on the medical trade; and the better to ensure the faithful discharge of the duties of the place, he has always given up one half of his own profits, (whatever they might be,) as a remuneration to them; as also to se cure justice being done to the country.. This, then, reduces Mr. Garnier's personal. profit to one half of your statement, and with it, the degree of influence and command, which you seem to think are always in proportion to a man's income.-The fact is, Mr. Garnier's patent place, is as much his freehold, as his estate at Wickham; of

arguments for and against the Address. But it so turned out, that neither arguments nor numbers were of any avail. The sheri thought proper to decide against us, and to give us reason to complain; 1st. That he put the question of adjournment, before several gentlemen who signed the requisition had spoken, though they were very desirous to deliver their opinion; 2d. That be refused to order a shew of hands, but directed those who were for the adjournment to go to the left and those against it to the right; 3d. That he did not put himself in a situation where he could see the numbers, but decided precipitately, before the freeholders could place themselves as he directed; 4th. That he declared the majority to be in favour of the adjournment when it was clearly appa rent to impartial observers who were in a situation to see, that the majority was against the adjournment; 5th. That being applied to by several gentlemen to correct his mistake by taking the numbers with more exactness, he hastily ordered his carriage, which had been waiting for him, to drive on. A con siderable number of freeholders met and requested the gentlemen who signed the requisition to protest against these proceedings of the sheriff. They have protested, and de

neither the one nor the other can he be dispossessed; he is at full liberty to take any political part he pleases, his judgment, not his interest, directing him in his choice.In fairness to the present government, it should be mentioned, that they have not been indifferent to the interests of the publie, and have maturely weighed the propriety of giving Mr. Garnier a compensation for the purchase of his patent, (which he was, and is, ready to relinquish on any fair terms); but after due investigation, it ap peared, that the army could not be better, or more reasonably supplied, than under the present arrangement; as the charges made by the apothecary general to the army are less than those of the Apothecaries Company to the Navy.-Mr. Garnier's emoluments depend wholly upon the success attending wholesale purchases, and retail prices: he has often a great profit on some articles; so has every merchant in every branch of trade; and the merchants may with as much propriety, be said to be drains on the public purse, as that Mr. G. is in the receipt of a large income from public taxes➡You will now see, Mr. G. derives no advantage from any support he may give the present government; that he has repeatedly opposed administration; that he does not re-manded another meeting, but have met with ceive from the taxes £12,000 a year, during the war ; that by agreement with his deputies, he divides the profits with them; that though not professionally employed, he is responsible often, to an immense amount, ativancing money from his private fortune to discharge the debts of the public; and that he never was an enemy to peace. On the whole, I am entitled to conclude, that in this case no blame attaches to the administation, no corrupt motives to Mr. Garnier, and no injury in effect to the public.-The above being the first part of my proposed communication, which I have first sent, from being of a personal nature, I postpone the second part, being of general relation only, to the proceedings and report in ques tion, and remain, Sir, your very faithful servant,-EDмund Poulter.

ESSEX MEETING.

SIR, I thank you for the handsome manner in which you have introduced my name in your Register of the 22d. inst. I certainly bave been active in advising the freeholders to attend the county meeting at Chelmsford on Friday last: but I do not plead guilty to a charge brought against me, at the said meeting, of having canvassed the county for that purpose. My solicitations were confined to the attending the meeting and bearing the

a refusal: in consequence of which they meet on Tuesday next to consider what further steps they should take on this extraordinary occasion.-I agree with you, Sir, concerning the county of Essex. It ha certainly been a nullity in its representation for the last thirty years and if majorities are to be construed into minorities, it is likely to be also a nullity in exercising its con stitutional right of addressing his majesty on the subject of the most ignominious treaty that ever disgraced the page of history,I am, Sir, your obedient servant,-MONTA GUE BURGOYNE.-Mark Hall, Bist Oct.

1808.

SPANISH REVOLUTION.

SIR-I have read with no inconsiderable degree of surprise, your observations upon the Spanish revolution, in the Political Re gister, of the 13th of August, current. From some of your former writings on that remarkable event, I had concluded, that you were zealously interested in the cause of the Spanish patriots; it is therefore with astonishment that I find you deprecating in such strong terms, the favourite object of the Spanish people, to place Ferdinand upon the throne, and declaring your opinion, that should that object succeed, it will do harm to every nation in Europe, and particularly

to this nation. In expressing this opinion, you have not even the merit of consistency; quality essentially requisite in every jouralist, who would preserve his credit with the public, and particularly so, in the author of the Political Register, which has obtained so extensive a circulation, and is known to possess so much influence over the public mind. When intelligence of the insurrections in Spain first reached this country, you listened to it with an incredulous ar; the news you thought was too good to be true, and that the people of Spain were oo deeply sunk in apathy, to rouse at the all of liberty; but when further accounts arrived, which left no room to doubt that the ndignation, which the treachery and tyranny of Buonaparte had excited, was general hroughout Spain, that in almost every prowince of the kingdom, the people were flyng to arms; vowing to defend their freecom, or perish in the attempt; when we found them talking of their liberties, of reforming abuses, and restoring the Cortes or real representatives of the people, you then formed a more favourable opinion of the success of their cause, and congratulated your countrymen on an event so glorious to the Spanish people, and so auspicious to the liberties of Europe. You concurred in thinking, that the consequences of this event would not be confined to Spain; you hoped that it would be properly improved by the government of this country, and you were of opinion, that it presented the most feasible opportunity of checking the exhorbitant power of France, that had occurred during the last fifteen years; but, at the same time, that you earnestly recommended that every assistance should be given by this conntry to the Spanish patriots, you gave his majesty's ministers a piece of wholesome advice, the propriety of which was felt and acknowledged by every prudent man in the country. Do not interfere with the internal affairs of Spain. Send them arms and ammunition, men and money, every succour to enable them to preserve the freedom and independence of their country, but leave the people to choose what form of government may be most agreeable to them. This seemed to be the line of conduct which ministers had resolved to adopt; and every consideration of prudence, pointed it out as the most proper to be followed. We at that time knew little of the wishes of the Spanish nation, on the subject of their govemment, or of the opinion which was generally, entertained in Spain, of the conduct of their royal family. We seemed to be conscious of the errors which we had formerly fallen

into, in waging war only for kings, and we resolved, on the present occasion, not to split on the same rock. Though Britain thus disclaimed all interested views in the assistance which she resolved to give to Spain; yet she was, in fact, wisely follow. ing that line of conduct, which was most conducive to her own interest, and the general welfare of Europe. Whatever form of government might be established by the Spanish people, was a matter of no importance to this country, in comparison of preventing Spain from being subjugated by France; and if in that she succeeded, she knew she would procure inestimable advantages, both to herself and to Europe. She knew that she would, thereby, give an effectual check to the inordinate ambition of Buonaparte, the effect of which must be the emancipating of the powers of the Continent from that debasing state of servility and dependence, under which they have so long groaned. These circumstances I men. tion to shew the wisdom of the advice which you gave, not to intermeddle with the internal affairs of Spain, or to attempt to frustrate, directly or indirectly, any plan of government, that Spain might choose to adopt. Since that time, however, the mass of official intelligence, which we have re ceived from all parts of Spain, leaves us no room to doubt, as to the wishes of the people of that kingdom with regard to their form of government. From Gallicia to Andalusia, from the Atlantic to the Mediterranean, the voice of the people is unanimous for Ferdinand VII. That the people, or their leaders, have, in thus choosing Ferdinand, discovered any intention of re-establishing the old government, with all its defects, there is not the least reason to believe; though from the hatred you bear to that unfortunate prince, and to all the family of Bourbon, you cannot help identifying Ferdinand VII. with the ancient government of Spain; excluding the possibility of any modification of the power of the crown, as well as of all reform of abuses, or amelioration in the condition of the people. It is, however, sufficiently apparent, that the wishes of the Spanish nation are, in favour of a monarchical government, and that all ranks of people are enthusiastically bent on having Ferdinand for their king. All their edicts and proclamations run in his name; they call him their beloved sovereign, and, in their addresses, the Juntas of the different provinces, who must be well acquainted with the sentiments of the people, call upon them, in the name of their amiable Ferdinad, to die in defence of their country

their religion, and their king. And such ness to their guests, totally unbecoming the addresses their leaders, certainly, never character of Englishmen,-a piece of rudewould have published, had they not known. ness which could have been equally foreign that the people were enthusiastically attached frou sound policy, as contrary to every rule to their prince. Since it thus so evidently of civility and politeness. They would have appears, that the governments of the diffe- been, thereby, taking upon themselves, to rent provinces, as well as the people of express their disapprobation of the conduct Spain, have given their voice so unanimous- of the Spanish nation, and to interfere with ly in favour of the prince of Asturias to be the internal affairs of that people, which their king; upon what principle is it, that you must admit, would have been high preyou condemn the gentlemen at the City of sumption in a set of gentlemen assembled in London Tavern, at the dinner given to the their private capacities. They would als Spanish deputies, for having drank the have been setting at defiance, the wholesome health of Ferdinand VII? On the promoters advice which you gave to the government of this dinner, you have poured forth a tor- and people of this country, not to interfers rent of the most unmerited abuse: for what with the Spanish people, in the choice f reason it is not very easy to conjecture; for their government. This advice, which yo I cannot conceive, why a dinner, given by were so anxious to impress upon others, yo the bankers and merchants of the city of yourself have lost sight of, as if you ha London to the Spanish deputies, as a mark been the only person in the nation, on when of respect for them, and of attachment to there was no obligation to follow it. If the their cause, should be more a subject of Spanish patriots, instead of declaring fr censure than a dinner given by any corporaFerdinand, had resolved to establish a re tion, in any part of this country. Of your publican form of government; if the Br remarks on this dinner, it is foreign from tish ministry, taking alarm at this step, h my object to take any notice, though there remonstrated against it, and threatened to is one observation I cannot pass over in siwithdraw their succours, and to leave Spen lence; talking of the quantity of turtle on to contend alone with Bronaparte; in whe the table, you exclaim: "how many hun- terms of severity and reproach, would you "dreds of wretches have worked like galley have deprecated their conduct? You would "slaves, upon bread and water, to supply have told them, that, by such an unjustifie "this gluttonous repast!" If you mean by ble interference, they were sacrificing t this to insinuate, that the expence of this best interests of the country, and throwi dianer was defrayed from taxes, wrung from away the most favourable opportunity th the earnings of the poor, you have made a had ever been presented to them, of resis most unjustifiable attempt to mislead the ing with effect, the exorbitant power ignorant part of the public. If this is not France. But, impolitic as such conde the meaning of the passage, it can have no would have been, it is the very thing which meaning at all; for I presume that the ta-. you, by the means of your Journal, are yern-keepers, waiters, cooks, under-cooks, now endeavouring to effect. By the opina turnspits, &c. employed in cooking and you have expressed of the choice of Fe serving up this dinner, were acting in the dinand VII, and by the arguments with way of their business, and that they were which that opinion is attempted to be sup as much obliged to the gentlemen by whom ported, you have done what lies in y the expence of this dinner was paid, as the power to thwart the cause of Spain, and paper-makers, stationers, printers, printers- assist the tyrannical attempts of Napoleon devils, newsmen, &c. &c, engaged in get-I do not, however, dread, that the publishe ting up the Political Register, are indebteding of your sentiments will be attended w to you, for the employment you give them, in printing and publishing that meritorious Journal, by which you and they earn so comfortable a subsistence, and the people of this country derive so much entertainment and instruction. But to return-if the gentlemen at the London Tavern knew what were the sentiments of the deputies, and of the Spanish nation, and if at this dinner, given in honour of them, and as a mark of attachment to their cause, they had omitted to toast king Ferdinand VII, they would have been guilty of a piece of rude

so alarming consequences; it will only prove your own inconsistency, and how little regard you can pay to your own advices and opinions. Your Journal will not in all pr bability reach Spain; and there is no gret risk that any thinking people in this county will be misled by your arguments. But, so far as your power goes, you have 3tempted to raise a jealousy of this count, in the breasts of the Spanish leaders: 34 have attempted to render the people d England lukewarm to their cause; yo have attempted to mislead the people

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