they, without the least scruple, advise "his majesty to contradict and stultify his "own acts and expressions. Is this decent?

Is it to be endured either by the king or "the nation? Can it fail to remind us of "the infamous administration of the prince "of the Peace in Spain? The gracious re"ception met with by sir A. Wellesley, at "the very moment the Corporation was ad"mitted, leaves little doubt as to the de"sign of this proceeding. But we trust "that a British public will not tamely see "their Sovereign abused, and themselves "checked in the exercise of their consti"tutional privileges, without the strongest "marks of indignation at such mischievous "practices."-Now, as to these instances, to make them applicable, the Morning Chronicle should have shewn us, not that the form of the constitution of the country was the same that it was in the years 1756 and 1757, but that it was in substance the same, and, above all, that the people were still the same sort of people. At the former period the taxes raised upon the labour of the people amounted to about 5 or 6 millions a year, and they now amount to fifty millions; that is to say, the ministers of that day had five or six millions a year to expend, while the ministers, now a days, have, in loans and all, about seventy millions a year to expend. At the former period, the standing army did not amount, perhaps, to more than thirty or forty thousand men, in time of war; now, the staff and foreign troops exceed that number, while the whole of the commissioned-officers, cashierable at pleasure, amount to about fifteen thousand persons, and while, in one way or another, the relations of all these, as well as themselves, are, in some measure, dependent upon the ministry. At the former period a thing like the Income tax had never entered the mind of man, and, if an Englishman of that day had been told, that his children would have such a tax, imposed upon them, he would have clenched his fist and knocked down the asserter. At that period the East India Company were mere merchants and not sovereigns not a body so powerful as to be able to draw from the people of England

million after million of the fruit of their labour. At that period the doctrine that truth was a libel, and that to hurt a man's feelings was libellous, had not been promulgated and acted upon, much less was there any law for transporting persons convicted of libelling the ministers. At that time, the Habeas Corpus, or Personal Security Act, had never been suspended except in case of actual rebellion or commotion, much less had it been kept suspended for several years together. At that period there was no instance of a minister's having been detected in lending forty thousand pounds of the public money to two members of parliament, without interest, without any authority for so doing, and without the consent or knowledge of even his colleagues; and, upon proof of this being laid before the parliament, of such minister's being screened by a bill of indemnity. Now, whether the change is for the better or for the worse; whether the people have acted wisely in lending their aid, or giving their silent assent, to this change, let the citizens of London decide; but, that the change has taken place is certain; that they have, tacitly at least, approved of the change, is also certain; for it is notorious, that they have, more than any other part of the people, supported the funding and taxing system, which has natu rally produced all the rest of the change; and, therefore, they have no reason at all to complain that the present king does not speak to them in the language in which his predecessor spoke to their fathers. What! they now whine and snivel because they are not treated as their fathers were treated. Their fathers were a different sort of men; their fathers would have demanded inquiry upon other occasions than the present; their fathers knew, felt, and would have. urged, their rights, at a time when they were talking of their duties; their fathers knew how to demand as well as to implore; their fathers were men widely different from them, and, therefore, they merited and received a treatment widely different. What! is it till now that they have waited to discover that they are not what their fathers were? Do they now complain of the Pitts and the Hawkesburies; they, who have supported them in every thing for so many long and fatal years of decline of national pride and independence! They, who have set up the howl of Jacobin and traitor against every one, who dared to move his tongue or his pen in opposition to the acts and designs of the minister of the day? They, who have voted and speechified and subscrib. ed against every person, who talked of free.

dom? They, who, whether in his making peace or in making war, approved of all, aye, all and every individual act, of the late Pitt? Do they now complain of the operation of his principles, acted upon by his legitimate heirs and successors?" In

quiry"! What right have such men to ask for inquiry? They, who have, a hundred times voted against the principle of inquiry; they, who have been maintaining, for more than twenty years past, the doctrine of confidence and irresponsibility; they who have, upon all occasions, represented as disaffected to the country every man who has wished for inquiry into the conduct of the government? What right have such men to ask for inquiry now in particular; and with what face can they complain, that they are sharply rebuked for so doing? Pity them, indeed! Not I. They have their just reward. If they had not acted a base and degenerate part, for so many years, that which has now happened, that which has now at last urged them to ask for inquiry, never would have happened. It is in themselves, and not in their stars,

that they are underlings." Their humiliation is the work of their own hands. To such men the king's answer was perfectly proper; and, as the rest of the nation has invariably followed their example in acts of submission and subserviency to the miistry of the day, the answer to them will very properly become a general ore. The years 1756 and 1757, indeed! Remind the king of what was the language of the king at that time! As well might he remind them of what was the language and what the conduct of the people at that time, or in former times. When it has been urged to this same corporation of London, that such and such acts were a glaring viola tion of the constitution of England, has not the answer constantly been, that the times were changed; that the present situation of the country warranted, and demanded, that which, formerly would have been unjustifiable; and, have we not recently seen, from the pen of those who are well known to be the avowed advocates of the Opposition party, a justification of what was formerly called "bribery and corruption," a justification of the purchase and sale of seats in parliament, as being suitable to this new state of things? And, are we, after this; after having lived so long in this state, to be called upon to bestow our compassion upon those, who, having been most instrumental in producing it, now complain, that they are not treated as their fathers were? But, the chief objection to their complaint

is this why did they not petition for inquiry upon former occasions? Is this the first military failure that this poor nation has experienced? Is this the first disgraceful Convention that has been made? Is this the first instance, of late years, in which English treasure and English blood have been expended in the purchase of national dis. honour? If it be, then these people might have some ground for complaint; but, if it be not, and if this be the first time of their petitioning for inquiry, the answer they have received, so far from being harsh, was much milder than they had a right to expect.They complain of the omnipotence of "a "certain great family," dealing, as slavesi must and do, in inuendo and insinuation, not daring to name those whom they hate. But, is not the "omnipotence" of this family their own work? Have they ever stirred an inch in the inquiries moved for with respect to the Wellesleys? Have they not set their faces against all those who did Have not both parties; have not the nation, with here and there a solitary and insignifi cant exception, given their sanction to wha has been the natural cause of what they now complain of? Whimpering, whining creatures, as they are, it is truly a pretty jest to hear them, at this day, calling for in quiry! No, no: they must not hope succeed in this way. It is too late for thes to assume a new character. Oh, the base

flatterers! It stirs one's gall to hear their complaints. Is there a man or a woman a child, in power, or belonging to any on in power, whom they have not eulogized the skies? Have they not praised all that bai been done, and all that has been intended to be done, by every set of men who, for the tim being, had the expending of the taxes! Is no this the case? No man can deny that it is Away with them and their complaints then! Let them howl to the `winds.There is a part of the observations of the Morning Chronicle, relating to the King himself, which deserves notice. It blame the answer, but chooses to suppose, that the ministers forced the king to give such an an swer, and expresses a hope, that "the "British public will not tamely see their

Sovereign thus abused." I am at a loss to know, whether this be meant as irony, or not. If it be, it is much too grave; for certainly the far greater part of readers will take it as serious, and, if so, they must suppose, that the Morning Chronicle pas no great compliment to the intellects of the King." The King can do no wrong;' but,, the meaning of this is, not that he can wittingly and willingly do nothing which

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wrong in itself, because, being subject to passion like other men, he might knock a person down; but, that he can do nothing which shall subject him to the operation of the criminal law. In any other sense, the words are an absurdity. They would suppose the King to have neither will nor judg ment of his own; to be a mere state puppet, whose situation might be filled by an ideot or a log of wood. To that sort of courtesy, which imputes to the ministers all that one disapproves of in the language and conduct of the King, there is no objection; but, to carry this so far as to call apon the people to avenge the King on account of what he, from his own lips, has uttered, is really an insult upon the understanding of the public, and would be practised by no one, whose views were not minch more of a party than of a public nature. BERKSHIRE has come to a resolution to follow the example of the City of London, and, as I fear the instances will be rare, after the rebuke which the city received, I shall, as far as I am able, perpetuate the memory of these instances. The following is an account of the proceedings in Berkshire :--“ READ“ING, Oct. 18.-Pursuant to a requisition "signed by a number of the freeholders of our county, and an order issued in consequence thereof by the high sheriff, a most numerous and respectable meeting of the nobility, clergy and freeholders, was this day held in the town-hall, for the purpose of taking into their consideration the "terms of the late Convention in Portugal, "which has been acceded to by the British general officers commanding in that coun try, and for expressing to his majesty "their sentiments on the occasion. "the usual form of opening the court, it "" was moved and seconded, "That an "humble and dutiful address be presented "to his majesty, praying that he may be graciously pleased to order that an inquiry should be instituted with respect to "the cause of the late disgraceful Conven"tion in Portugal, and also beseeching his majesty that he may be graciously pleased "to order that such steps may be taken, as "will ensure the punishment of the guilty person or persons in that disgraceful trans"action, however high his rauk in society " may be.". -The motion was made by "G. MITFORD, Esq. and seconded by C. "DICKINSON, Esq. It was opposed by Mr. "NARES one of the British Critic parsons, "the other being the famous Mr. Beloe, "who was, sometime ago, at the British "Museum. Mr. Nares was seconded by a "Mr. COBHAM.-The opposition Tested

"

"

"

"

"

After

"not only on the idea that judgment would "by this motion be pronounced before trial, "but also on the principle of its being im proper to offend the royal ear by a subject presuming to give his advice in a manner "which was known to be contrary to the de"clared sentiments of the royal mind. In reply to both these points, it was argued by Lord FOLKESTONE, HENRY MARSH, Esq. Dr. VALPY, and other gentlemen "who signed the requisition, that no indi"vidual was implicated, either by the words or tenor of the motion; it pointedly, no "doubt, censured the thing; but it, at the same time, called for inquiry as to who may be the guilty person, and expressing "the anxious hope of the freeholders, th ́t "exemplary punishment may follow this "trial and conviction. With respect to the "second point which had been advanced

"

by some of the opposers of the motion, it "had been so repeatedly urged, and refuted "in the most able manner, that it was "thought hardly worth a comment; it was "a fact which was notorious to every Eng"lishman who ever consulted a page of "his own history, that, however correct "the motives of the gentlemen who op

may appear to him to have been compro"mised, and state his sentiments thereon in "respectful but in manly terms; it was his duty to do so, in order that the parental "attention of the sovereign might be more immediately, but with humility, called to a point in which bad advisers, had previously had access to the royal ear."The motion was then put and carried by a majority of six to one."--The Corporation of WINCHESTER have addressed the King upon the subject!" Tread upon a worm and it will turn again." This is

Tally creditable to Sir Henry Mildmay, who though in a very bad state of health, did, I believe, attend the meeting in person. The inhabitants at large, of the city and suburbs of Winchester, have also sent an Address, of which a copy is here inserted. I have heard, too, that the names, signed to this address, were, many of them, such as might have been expected to be withheld, upon such an occasion. Really, if Winchester acts thus, there may be something like soul yet left in this county. The account is as follows, and it is with unfeigned satisfaction that I put it upon record."On Monday se'nnight the corporation of Winchester held a meeting, at the Guild"hall, for the purpose of considering the propriety of addressing his majesty on the "convention Lately entered into by the of"ficers commanding his Majesty's forces "in Portugal, H. C. P. Mildmay, esq. the mayor, in the chair. An address was proposed by Mr. Alderman Earle, and "seconded by Mr. Alderman Silver, and "unanimously agreed to, praying his Ma"jesty to institute an inquiry into their con"duct. Sir R. Gamon, bart, and H. C. P. "Mildmay, esq. the representatives of this

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city, were desired to present the same, "attended by Mr. Alderman Earle. And

on Thursday following, a meeting of the "inhabitants at large of the city and su"burbs of Winchester was Geld at the same "place (by permission of the mayor) for "the like purpose; when Dr. Littlehales

was unanimously called to the chair, and "the following address was proposed by "W. F. Bury, esq. and seconded by J. "Woolls, esq. and unanimously agreed to: 66 -TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT "MAJESTY.-May it please your Majesty, "We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, inhabitants of the city and "suburbs of Winchester, beg leave to ap"proach the throne to express our sincere "attachment to your royal person and fa

mily, and being sensible that your Majesty's true glory is inseparable from that "of your people, we humbly presume to

pray that your Majesty will be pleased to "order a full, free, and effective inquiry "to be made into the causes and circum

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presume to anticipate conviction, if, upon mature investigation, is shall be found "that your commanders were compelled by insurmountable obstacles to conclude "such a treaty, justice demands that they "should be reinstated in the good opinion "of their country; but, on the other hand, "if they were actuated by any thing less "than imperious necessity, we are fully persuaded, from the interest which your majesty must ever feel in the fair fame "and honour of your kingdom, that they "will experience such marks of your roval displeasure as may prove a severe example "to others, and deter them from tarnishing "in the cabinet, the glory acquired in the "Field. "This Address is very good indeed. There is none of that spaniel-like humility in it that we see in the London Address. The people do not seem to speak as if they were approaching the throne of a life-and-death sovereign. Upon reading the London Address, one cannot help figuring to one's self a parcel of crouching creatures with knees knocking together and teeth clattering in their head, as if waiting the crash of a roof or the fall of a thunderbolt. No man living would suppose, that they were the descendants of the men, who obtained the Bill of Rights and the Act of Settlement. I hear that the county is to have a meeting; but, whether the answer to the city will put a stop to this, is more than ! shall pretend to determine.-Essex is about to meet, and I am happy to perceive, that Mr. BURGOYNE is taking an active part; for, if I am to judge from what he has writ ten and published, he is as sensible and sound a man as any in the kingdom, though, as to some particular points, I differ from him in opinion. That county has been, as to representation in parliament, a nullity, for many years. The two factions, as they did in Westminster, have, to save trouble and expence, made an amicable arrangement, by which they name each a member, the chief persons in the county have a gard dinaer, once in six years, toast the British Constitution, and the people have just much to say in the matter, as the good people of Russia or Turkey or Germany have in choosing their representatives.Aye, here is the source; here is the re cause of all our failures abroad and of all our misery at home. There should be no Address, or Petition, upon this occasion, uncoupled with a declaration as to this fertile cause of mischief. It is idle to talk about reformation any where else, till a reforma tion take place here. As somewhat con nected with this subject of the Convention,

I cannot refrain from noticing a dispute that is going on about which part of the kingdom has the misfortune to have given birth to Sir Hew Dalrymple. The Irish must own to the Wellesleys; we here in England, and even in Hampshire, I believe, to Sir Burrard; and, from a very natural motive, we gave Sir Hew to the Scots, but they have thrown him back, with both hands, upon Yorkshire. A Yorkshire-man, has however, came forward, and, in a letter which I here inert, from the Morning Chronicle, has given us what we were so desirous to obtain, Some account of the origin and progress of this Convention-making general.—“ Sir; "Having mentioned Sir Hew Dalrymple, "though it is certainly a matter altogether "indifferent to the public, whether that officer be a native of Scotland or of Yorkshire; yet as a correspondent, a SCOTCHMAN, has thought proper to assert, forrally, in contradiction to truth and fact, "that he is an Englishman, born in the county of York, I shall state such par"ticulars as may defy contradiction. His "father was of the county of Ayr, and "rose to the rank of lieut.-col. in the Bri"tish service. The present Sr Hew is "about 57 years of age, and first entered "the army as an ensign in the Royals, "where he remained many years. "mother's name was Ross; and she having, "as was before observed, married for her "second husband, General Sir Adolphus

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"

His

of Chief Secretary, and it will be worth while just to inquire, whether his salary of five or six thousand pounds a year has been going on all the time he has been making armistices in Portugal. He is, if this account be true, now a minister again, and a minister, too, having the management of the affairs of a great part of the kingdom. I'll warrant it that the Irish do not petition against the Convention! There is a pretty little act of parliament existing with respect to that country, which will have a wonderful effect in keeping the several counties in a state of perfect tranquillity. What a pity it is that we have not such an act here! "All in good time," the reader will say; but, how quiet we should be!—While all this is going on, without doors, the ministers are said to have their different opinions about the inquiry. This is likely; and I should suppose, that Mr. Canning, who is their prop, would be for the inquiry. I think so for this reason; that he, feeling strong in his own talents, is not, at his early time of life, likely to risk his future prospects by taking a side, which, though it may obtain a momentary triumph, or ra ther, impunity, will assuredly, first or last, meet with due execration and punishment. Mr. Canning has sense enough to perceive, that things cannot always go on thus; he must be pretty sure, that a change, and a very material change, 'must, in the course of a few years, take place; and, therefore, to say nothing of justice, which I still look upon as having some weight with him, policy world point out the path I have described. There are others, who are the creatures of mere court intrigue, whose power has no other basis, and who, were they not courtiers, would be nothing; but, it certainly is different with him; and, if the resolution should be to screen and support the Convention makers, I should not be at all surprized to see him, at least, quit the ministry. There is one objection to it indeed, and that is, his connection with the Grenvilles; but, he has now tried his own strength, and, if, notwithstanding all that has passed, they should still adhere to the Wellesleys, he cannot fail to foresee, that they, who never were favourites with the nation, will not be a body of which he need stand in dread. These are my opinions. I may deceive myself; but, if justice should be done to the insulted and injured nation, I shall certainly give to him the greater part

Oughton, he, in some measure, adopted, befriended, and brought forward in life, his wife's son. Sir Hew had no patrimonial inheritance, except a small fortune; but he married a lady who brought him a considerable accession to it. She was a daughter of the late General Leigh ton, I believe the youngest. These circumstances may challenge implicit belief. Yours, A YORKSHIREMAN."There have been men, for the honour of whose birth, cities and counties have contended, and others for the honour of their burying-place; but, as far as I know, it was reserved for the list of English generals to possess men, whom countries contended disowning. The Scots are to be applanded for their motive; but, there is another way, in which for them to shew and to prove, that they feel as they ought to do about the Convention, and that is, in sending up petitions for inquiry; and, unless they do that, they will, in the end, obtain little credit from their disowning of one of the men, by whom that disgraceful instrument was framed and ratified.—-Wellesley is, it seems, gone to Ireland to fill his post

in

of the credit.

It was my intention to have made an exposure of DON CEVALLOS'S Exposition, which I look upon as the most prime piece