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may check that full tide of confidence, "without which no soldier should go into "battle. Of this his Royal Highness is no doubt convinced, and therefore he has, it is said, personally declined pursuing an object which, perhaps, was once near his "heart. Neither his Majesty himself, nor any of his royal offspring, have ever been "deemed deficient in that courage which has always characterised the House of Brunswick, and is most becoming the "rank they hold in this free country. But on various occasions it has been thought necessary to restrain their natural inclina*tion, and to reserve the display of their personal bravery to times of stiil greater national hazard. No one can forget the "warmth with which the heir apparent not 618 long since solicited an ostensible com"mand in the army, destined to repel "invasion; nor the steadiness with "which his demand was resisted. I be"lieve every man in the United Kingdom

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honoured the prince for entertaining such "" a wish many, who did so, certainly ap"proved of its disappointment. The case "is exactly the same with the Duke; but "his royal highness will, no doubt, submit "with diguity to a necessity which he can

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not but lament, remembering the old "Fabian maxim, Famæ etiam jactura fa

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safety of a whole nation. Let him be"ware of public execration, and wisely "continue to shroud his name in the obscu"rity which at present envelopes it. As to "the ministers whom he endeavours to cajole, they ought to be the most seriously "offended, both by the contemptuous opinion which he shews of their understandings, and the inevitable danger of losing their places to which he would

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expose them. In a free country, public "opinion must be listened to; and terrible "would be the vengeance against a cabinet "who should dare so openly to set it at "nought.-But, says the parasite, ministers "ought to lead, not follow public opinion. "True, an energetic minister will know "how to enlighten an ignorant people, and "if their salvation depend on the instant "adoption of any nieasure, however unpa"latable, he will carry it into effect. But "it is the very cant of despotism to tell the "people they never can be judges of right

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or wrong. What is meant by the people "in this country ninety-nine times out of "a hundred, when they approach at all "towards unanimity, is right. In the present instance, it is notorious that mi"nisters and people, ius and outs, are fully agreed in opinion; and they are all to be set right by an anonymous writer! But though he prove all that he attempts to prove, what does it amount to? That his royal highness has the negative merit of "not being the cause of certain disasters "which have befallen the armies under his "command. Observe, that the secretary "at war may say the same of the Ferrul expedition; but this would be but a bad "plea for sending him to Spain, perhaps to "Ferrol itself, to animate the patriots by "his presence. Observe, that General "Whitelocke (who, by the bye, canted "about the newspapers too), not only might say, but did say the same of the

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defeat at Buenos Ayres; but it will be hardly recommended, on such a ground, "to give him a command in Spain. It is thus this writer degrades his royal high

ness by advancing, as arguments in his "favour, what would equally apply to, at "least have been equally urged by, some of "the worst officers in the army. But it

was necessary for him to do much more "It was necessary to shew not only that his "royal highness's military talents possessed "the greatest positive excellence; but that "they so far outweighed those of any other "general in his majesty's service, and cari "ried with them so inevitable a certainty of

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success, as to counterpoise every prejudice arising from his former ill-fortune, to "stand in the place of the enthusiasm of "his whole army, and to render it a crime "in ministers to trust their own weak and "limited judgment in opposition to such i "consummate wisdom. Now, as his royal highness's good sense would revolt at a "flattery so gross, so no man who has a "character to lose would dare to insult the

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public by avowing and putting his name "to such an opinion. It is only to be "lamented that private and anonymous

attempts are made to produce that disa"greement between his royal highness and "the public at large, which no true friend "to the royal family or to the public tran

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quillity could see without the deepest regret. I look upon it a part of the same "artifice to represent his royal highness's "appointment as the wish of the Spanish "patriots. That it can be the wish of no

true friend of Spain, while it is decidedly "contrary to the judgment of Great Britain,

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is an absurdity to suppose; and if such a "wish has been expressed by any of the "patriots, or of their deputies (which I do "not believe), it has certainly been drawn "from them by the falsest misrepresenta"tion. Wishing all due credit to be given "to his royal highness's brave and patriotic sentiments on the one hand, and all pro"per weight to be allowed to the great considerations of policy, which, on the other, preclude the possibility of his appointment, I trust that the question "will remain finally at rest, and that the address will be treated with the contempt which it deserves. I am, Sir, &c. "CANDIDUS."—For what purpose this very candid gentleman thought proper to repeat the word failures so often, and always in the plural number, to which, I suppose, he would, if our language had admitted of it, have added the masculine gender, in order to make them appear as big as possiLle; for what purpose he has so repeatedly referred to these failures; for what purpose he has introduced the affairs of Ferrol and Buenos Ayres; for what purpose he has, in as small a compass as the case would admit of, huddled together the names of Sir James Pulteney, General Whitelocke, and the Duke of York; for what purpose he has had recourse to such extraseous matter I shall not endeavour to discover, nor is it, indeed, of the smallest importance to the discussion, being, as far as I can perceive, not at all connected with the main, and the solely interesting, point; which is, how far it be consistent with sound policy, nay with plain common sense, to refuse, upon the ground stated by this writer, the request, which he assumes the Duke of York made to go to Spain, and yet to keep the very same Duke in reserve," to use a phrase of his own, to command the army at home, when, if that army should be wanted, the danger to England must be a thousand times as great as can be possibly apprehended from any failure, of whatever magnitude, in Spain. This is a point, in which every man, woman, and child must have an interest; and, it is this point, which I mean to discuss; or rather, I mean shortly to expose the folly, and, I must say it, the shocking baseness, of the writer, by whom the affirmative of the proposition has been attempted to be maintained.But, before I proceed a step further, let me guard against any misconstruction, or misapprehension, of my meaning. Observe, then, that I do not say, that the Duke of York has offered his services for Spain; on the contrary, I proceed expressly upon the total impossibility of his having made such

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an offer, because, as I stated in my last, it would be libellous in the most hateful, nay (excuse my warmth!) in the most hellish degree, to suppose, that he would, for one moment, continue to fill the office and receive the emoluments as Commander-inChief at home, if, upon the score of his former failures (which is the reason alledged by this writer) his offer to take the chief command in Spain had been rejected by the ministers, for whatever cause that rejection might have proceeded. Mark me well, then; I do not admit that the Dake of York made the offer in question; and, if he did make it, I scout the idea of its having been rejected upon the score of former failures. Proceeding, then, upon a mere hypothesis, let us ask this very clever gentleman; this very loyal gentleman; this very patriotic gentleman of the Morning Chronicle, what are his reasons for thinking it sound policy for rejecting a general for foreign service, on account of his former failures; and, at the same time, keeping that general in the chief command at home? He tells us, that, whatever may be the real fact, with regard to the wisdom or courage of a general, the effect of prejudices against him cannot be obliterated from the minds of the soldiers, whose personal safety must, in so great a degree, depend upon his conduct; that it is, therefore, wise so to choose our generals, that no prejudice, no forebodings with res pect to conduct, may check the full tide of confidence, with which soldiers ought to go into battle; that, therefore, it is necessary, to restrain the inclination, which generals, against whom there exists a prejudice, may feel for foreign commands, and “to reserve the dis

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play of their personal bravery for times of "still greater national hazard."—I will say, for this writer, that he deals not in the mysterious. His meaning is too plain to be mistaken. But, my good loyal gentleman; if you be not in jest; if you do not wish to be understood as speaking ironically; can you tell me why a want of confidence (for such you suppose to exist) should be less likely to arise in an army at home than in an army abroad? Why a want of confidence should be less likely to arise in times of great national hazard at home, than in a foreign camp or field of battle? Is it, that the troops, who would be employed at home, would be composed of persons more accustomed to meet with difficulties; more accustomed to dispense with a want of confidence in the skill and courage of a chief; more likely to go boldly on, without thinking of their leader; more accustomed to set, comparatively, little value upon property and

life? Is this the case? And, if it be not; if the real case be just the contrary; if confidence in the wisdom and courage of their commander, though always necessary to the success of an army, be beyond all comparison more necessary when the object to be fought for is the independence of a nation, and when the scene of action is the invaded land of that nation; if this be the case, I pray you to shew us why you should not have a mark of eternal infamy fixed upon you, for your endeavours to persuade the nation, that, though a general might not have the confidence of the army in a degree sufficient to make it safe to employ him abroad, he might be safely employed in a command at home, and that, too, at a moment" of

great national hazard."Your notion of a reserve of wisdom and courage is curious enough. Reserves are composed of that, in which, when the danger becomes greatest, men may safely confide. That, upon which we set the greatest value we keep as a reserve. But you would reject the offer of a general to serve abroad, on account of that want of confidence, which you suppose must arise from his former failures, and would keep him in reserve, that is to say, a want of confidence in reserve, for home service in times of great national hazard.After all, however, this is merely disputing for the sake of disputation; for, as I have said before, and as I have conjured the reader to believe, it is impossible, that the Duke of York can have been cast off, or rejected, upon the ground of former failures; for, if that had been the case, it would be infernally libellous to suppose (though this loyal gentleman scruples not to suppose) that he would not, in giving way to the high feelings which he inherits from his long line of royal ancestors, have stamped his commission of Commander-in-Chief in the dirt, and, turning with disdain from the idea of filthy lucre, left the mercenary part of mankind to share amongst them, the profits which he derives from the office. What! A prince of the House of Brunswick, a son of King George the Third, while glory calls him to foreign fields, submit to stay at home to issue orders for cutting the hair off the heads of the soldiers destined for the command of other generals; to be a raiser of recruits, a superintendant general of the dress and the drill; to have the command, aye the chief command, of soldiers so long, and no longer, than they are not wanted to do the duty of soldiers! No: again I say, it cannot be. I will not, therefore, believe, and nothing shall make me believe, though th

writer were to take his oath of the fact, that the Duke of York has made an offer to serve in Spain, and that that offer has been rejected upon the score of former failures.I come back to my first opinion, which is this, that the Royal Chieftain, anxious, doubtless, as the Morning Chronicle observes, to shew "his zeal in the cause of liberty," might make an offer to the ministers to take upon him the chief command in Spain and Portugal; that the ministers felt it to be their duty to reject the offer, thinking, as they ought to think, that to provide for the perfect safety of England was their first duty, and thinking also, doubtless, that the defence of England could be so safe in no hands as in those of the Royal Commander in Chief, who has, so many many times, visited all the military posts and reviewed all the soldiers, many of whom have been actually engaged, under his own eye, though not in real, yet in sham-fights; that this being the ground of rejection, the Royal Commander would, of course, submit, and keep his post of commander in chief, which, in such case, was his duty, both as a subject and a patriot. In this opinion, I have been greatly strengthened by the circumstance of all his royal brothers, who are generals, remaining at home too. have had no failures, at any rafe, wherewith for the Morning Chronicle to taunt them; and, one of them, it is well known, behaved most gallantly in Hanover, at the time when that happy country was invaded by the French, and when, owing principally to his royal foresight, the whole of the family plate was saved from the grasp of the remorseless invader.

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"Snatch the Palladium, though the temple burn." Indeed, with respect to the Duke of Kent, we have proof positive of the truth, which I am urging. The public saw a letter from his Royal Highness, sometime ago, questing to be sent to Gibraltar, for being governor of which he receives the pay. This request was refused; and, as the Duke kept, and still keeps, the office and its emoluments, in addition to his pension and also to the profits of the colonelship of four battalions of infantry, must we not neces sarily conclude, that his offer to go upon actual service was rejected by the advisers of the king upon the ground whereon the Duke of York's request, or offer, if it was really made, was rejected; that is to say, that the ministers thought England the first and the dearest object (and well they may think it so!) and, therefore, though they wished well to the cause of Spain, could not answer it to their consciences to aid that cause

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by the sending away of the royal generals, in whom, in case of invasion, the people would, of course, have more confidence than in any other generals, and whose known skill and courage would make up for a want of discipline in the hasty levies, called forth in defence of the country.Here, then, without seeking any further, is a very good and sufficient reason for the offer of the royal chief having been rejected. Let Let us, therefore, hear no more of" former "failures;" and let us attribute all the insinuations of the Morning Chronicle to that party defeat, which the Whigs experienced, it is thought, chiefly through the generalship of the Duke of York.

SPANISH REVOLUTION. -If it be true, that Joseph Buonaparte has quitted Madrid, there is one rascally government at an end, at any rate. There is no longer any consolidated despotism in Spain, and, let us hope, that there never will be again.—It being reported, that the vile nobility, who attended Joseph to Madrid, have, upon perceiving that he was likely to fail, deserted him, some of our despotism-defending prints, particularly the Morning Post, says that it thought, all along, that these nobles had been entrapped at Bayonne, had been forced to publish sentiments foreign from their hearts, and that this desertion of Joseph is a proof that the opinion here stated was correct. Now, it occurred to me, that this desertion was a proof of consummate baseness, if any such proof had been wanting; for, if the nobles had been entrapped at Bayonne, if they had actually been forced to go there, and when there to make speeches against the Bourbons and in favour of the Buonapartes if this had been the case, they would have deserted Joseph the moment they got into Spain; but (if it be true that they have now deserted him), they stopped, we find, 'till they have reason to believe, that he will be worsted. But, the fact is, that there was no force employed to get them to Bayonne, any more than to get the royal family there. The whole tribe went upon a Semmons, which took the name of an invitation. There was not a French soldier employed to escort them to Bayonne; and, as to the nobles, they were not even summoned, or invited. One or two of the Bishops sent their professions of allegiance to Napoleon, without being asked for any; nay, is it not notorious, that the putting of Joseph upon the throne was preceded by applications to that effect, made by persons in Spain and not at Bayonne ? -The truth is, that the wretched defender of despotism, to whose print I have referred, perceives,

or has been told, that it will be impossible for time even to wear away the infamy of the Spanish nobility assembled at Bayonne, and afterwards becoming the servants of Joseph Buonaparte, while the people of Spain are fighting for their freedom against this same Buonaparte. This writer foresees, that men in general will ask why English blood should be shed for the purpose of restoring to splendour so vile and rascally a crew. Therefore it is, that he is anxious to make his readers believe, that the Spanish nobles did all under compulsion. To be sure, it is a most confounding fact, that a whole royal government, King, Prime Minister and Nobles, all go off upon an invitation, and make a surrender of the kingdom to the enemy, while the people, the moment they are gone, take up arms to meet that enemy, and are actually proceeding in a way that would encourage one to hope, that they may not only beat that enemy, but, finally, secure the freedom of their country. This is a confounding fact indeed. It is impossible to deny it; and, therefore, all manner of shifts and tricks are resorted to, for the purpose of keeping it out of sight. Either the royal family and nobles were forced from Spain, or they were not. if the latter, then all the pretexts about compulsion vanish into air; and, if they were forced away, they were forced away in the presence of that very people who have now risen in arms to defend themselves and their country; but which people, and no part of which people, attempted to take up arms for the sake of the royal family and the nobles.This writer, and several others of the same stamp, hardly excepting the Morning Chronicle, unwilling to utter a word that shall seem to favour the notion of Spaniards being fighting for the purpose of establishing a free government, and yet not knowing very well how to write upon the subject without now and then introducing the object of the glorious efforts which the people of Spain are making; these writers, thus embarrassed, do, I perceive, until they see which way things are likely to go, which way Whitehall and Lloyd's may settle the point, talk about the people of Spain fighting for their independence. They reprobate the idea of a nation's giving up its independence. The people of Spain, they say, are engaged in the glorious cause of independence. Not a syllable do they say about the freedom, or the happiness, of the people of Spain. Not a word about their throwing off the yone of oppression, which they have so long worn, and which oppression has, in fact, been the only cause of, first, their degrada

and his fellow labourers would refrain from uttering such vehement Philippics against the introduction of foreign princes and troops, One of the standing charges against Ban parte is, that he is not a Frenchman; sal that he prefers having Corsicans and Italiass about his person. This may as well remin unsaid, and I beg the writers in question da ly to weigh the thing in their minds.

tion, and, secondly, the invasion of their country. Not a word do these writers say upon these heads, but, they ring the changes, over and over again, upon the very equivocal word independence.But, what do they mean by independence ? Do they mean, that state in which a nation or people is not dependent upon the will of another nation, people, government, or chief? If so, it appears to me, that the people of Spain, unless they are bent upon establishing an entively new government, are acting very inconsistently, and are, indeed, shedding their blood for a purpose precisely the contrary to that which they wish to accomplish; for, as to their old government, it was always in a state of dependance upon France; and, the government which Napoleon has proposed to them seems very well calculated to provide, in time at least, against any such dependence in future. . To be sure, the Bayonne Constitution, like most others in the world, will, I daresay, admit, upon a pinch, of a little alteration; but, in the meanwhile, it is impossi-example? She has an Emperor, an Empress

ble that king Joseph can make the country
more dependent upon France than it was be-
fore; and, in words, at least, this constitu-
tion does restore to the people of Spain some-
thing like an enjoyment of freedom, some-
thing like security for property and life.-
The Morning Post exclaims "What a dis-

grace, what an infamy, to submit to a foreign yoke!" and, he most severely reproaches even his friends, the Bayonne Grandees, for having, eren under compulsion, given the sanction of their names to the bringing in of a mean, beggarly, foreign fa mily, and placing them upon the throne. But, surely, my friend of the Morning Post suffers his zeal to get astride upon his reason. Surely he does not take time to reflect; if he did, he would certainly have been cautious how he had condemned, in terms so unqualified, the introduction of foreigners and the placing of them upon the throne; for he must have recollected, that in certain cases, such events, though accomplished, too, by the aid of foreign troops, brought in through the instrumentality of domestic nobles, are termed "GLORIOUS REVOLUTIONS." We are here neither saying nor supposing any thing, one way or the other, about the characters of the parties introduced, or of the cause of introduction; but, we. may, I think, venture to say, that the simple fact of a foreigner's being placed upon the throne of a country, and of foreign troops being brought into it, cannot. by Englishmen, be very decently urged as a decided proof of a loss of independence. Nay, I am of opinion, that it would be fuil as well if the Morning Post

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AUSTRIA.If war take place betwest Austria and France, and we carry on B war in Spain for the restoration of the old family, then the old game is beginning again. More subsidies, more lies frea Whitehall, and a result much about the same as the last.Our villainous news papers express a most anxious hope, th Austria is bent upon war; that, stimulated by the "glorious example of Spain," she is resolved to make one more effort against the tyrant of the earth. The example Spain! Why, man, do you consider what she must do, in order to begin to follow that

a whole royal family, with all the old set of courtiers, male and female; all her pan ders and parasites; and every thing, of which Spain has not a fragment left. The examp of Spain, indeed! Why, the Spaniards suf fered a French army to come to their very capital without an attempt to resist them and, according to your assertion, they suf fered the French to force away their king and queen and all their princes and minis ters; and, that being done, they began to fight the French, and to endeavour to eject them from their country. Now, do you really wish the Austrians to do the same? I imagine, that what you wish is, that the Austrians may follow the example of the Spaniards merely in resisting the French, leaving all things just as they now are in their government, in which wish I am de cidedly of opinion you will be disappointed. I can, for my part, discover, in the people of Austria, no motive for resisting the French, which they had not previous to the battle of Austerlitz. I can discover no rea son for supposing that Austria should be more fortunate now than she was then; and, I am fully persuaded, that whatever money may be sent her from this county wili do us no more good than was done by any and all of the immense sums which ste has heretofore received from us.-The Austrians are composed of materials very different from those which go to the making up of a Spaniatd. The Germans do not easily catch fire. They look well and long at danger before they encounter it. They act upon the wise maxim, that "the better

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