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the Spanish population completely armed and trained to defensive war, should “now” advise the governing powers of his country, to" commence a negociation with the ene "my, on a footing of equality, for the "termination of hostilities on terms of equality and honour?" Are you aware, Sir, how much a man implicates himself with the instruments of despotism, who, in calling for peace, demands rot at the same time those accompaniments, by which alone his country can have freedom? If your pence is not to be guarante:d by independence in the House of Commons, and by arms in the hands of the parle on the true principles of our constitution, how is it to kep Napoleon out of England when he shill choose to enter it? Or how, if he should enter it, will the condition of England be superior to that of Spain, under the corrupt and inous government, which so lately, as the last act of its baroness and atrocity, sold her to the Corsican? These questions, Sir, I put to you as a Wig-asa inan professing aregard for bert-as one who cessionally talks of the clasticntion-as once a member of the secity of the Friends of the People assocared to the purpose of obtaining a Par“Tumentary Reformu."--While “ the emanepation of Spain, the enthrosement of Ferdinand VII, and the amelioration of "the governaient of that country, through "the means of the legitimate organ of "their Cortes, or any other of their own

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choosing," as well as "the freedom of “the Spanish royal family," are it seems to be among the very objects of your proposed negociation for peace, how, in God's name, has it happened, that not a single thought has been bestowed on those things which on our account ought to be the accompaniments of Peace? To question you: but, had you strenuously insisted on these English objects, " is there a statesman who could doubt of their propriety, of their justice, of their "honour? Could a Windham, a Grenville, or a Grey have condemned you? Could a Castlereagh or a Hawkesbury have reproved you? "If rejected, is there a

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free spirit in the universe that would not "join in applauding your honesty and "wisdom?"

I have now, Sir, for the hundredth time, explained " my views, and I am desirous "they should be known. I may be deem"ed romantic for entertaining them. But "I trust that those who may treat me as "chimerical or absurd"-those especially who class themselves among the friends of liberty and the constitution-will, for the

benefit of their country, explain the grounds. on which they claim to be considered as better practical politicians.

Self-deceit is not always merely personal; we are equally subject to this foible when we put ourselves in the place of our nation. When, therefore, we would know what, in the making of a peace is necessary to national safety, we ought not only to foresee the extremity to which misgovernment of any kind is leading us, but to contemplate also the dangers to which, after peace shall be made, we shall still be exposed, unless that peace have the accompaniments necessay to national health and vigour in full perfection. As, after what has passed, it is evident tha: Spain. in peace, can have no safety, unless her renovated Cortes shall insure to her a reformed government; and unless her people shall become an armed nation, organized for crushing an invader, whatever his force, and how sudden soever his coming; so, in our own case, (who are ouly separated from France by a channel, as eastly passed as the Pyrennean mountains) I beseech you, Sir, if you would not pass for an unreflecting, a temporizing, or a mere party statesman, duly to estimate the value of a proposition for peace, without those accompaniments, of a reformed parliament and armed safety, by which alone a peace can yield the traits of peace.

So wide indeed am I from what appears to be your opinion, that, in my judgement, the minister who should negociate a peace with Napoleon, and at the same time neglect a renovation of our Commons House of Parliament and of our Posse Comitatus— the shield and the spear of the constitution

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would richly deserve to lose his head. I beg I may be clearly understood. I protest against all substitutions whatever, in place of that system of arming which you must know to be prescribed by the constitution of our country, agreeably to the voice of nature, and the principles of human liberty. equally object to the dexterity of a Dundas, to the dictation of a Pitt, to the artifice of a Yorke, to the fancy of a Windham, and to the project of a Castlereagh, who, each in his turn, as if the constitution were not good enough, or else too good for him, has accordingly, in respect of arming, substituted for that constitution some conceit of his own. By the parliament, as if the mere creature of every succeeding minister, these ephemeral maggots of the day have been successively and regularly preferred to the constitutional system. How many more of these inventions-all of them without exception hostile to our liberties-we are yet for our

punishment doomed to number, no human sagacity can divine.

Keep your eye, Sir, upon Spain; that faithful mirror in which we may see in its true light, the value of that return to our constitution which has been so much despised and so long neglected. To what does Spain, to what can she resort, in the hour of her extremity, but to a renovated Cortes and an armed population? If she fall in the attempt, it can only be, because she reformed, and armed too late. And, if she should fall, we know whose harness, for the final conflict, must be next buckled on. I remain, dear Sir, your well-wisher, J. CARTWRIGHT.

SPANISH REVOLUTION.

SIR,-In your last number [Vol. XII p. 1004], you have laid it down as a maxim, that " a sovereignty ceded is a sovereignty rightfully possessed;" and you challenge the "sticklers for the law of nations," to shew how it is that Buonaparté is not, at this moment, the rightful sovereign of Spain. To me it appears, that if Buonaparté, at this moment, holds the sovereignty of Spain by any tenure, it is by a tenure which all laws both individual and national, not only do not sanction, but positively reprobate. In private property no man can cede his right of inheritance, or possession. This right be. longs not to him exclusively, but to his family. He is a mere life renter. From his ancestors his inheritance was acquired, and to his own posterity it must be faithfully transmitted. But this is a law, Sir, precise as it is, which applies not only to the transmission of the private property of individuals, but also to the transmission of crowns and sceptres, in as far as sovereigns are but individuals, and mere men, subject to the laws of nature, and to the dictates of common sense. There is however, besides, some thing still stronger which always will, and ought to have a very powerful effect upon the assignation of sovereignties; and independent of which no sovereignty can be held, but by the violent hand of usurpation, or conquest. I mean, the will and voice of the people. What is a sovereign but the delegate of his subjects, to whom, accord ing to the nature of the government, is entrusted the management of the public affairs, and the furtherance of the laws of the nation? It is from his subjects that every ruler derives his authority; and, without their approbation and concurrence, his power and title can no longer exist. Upon this irrefragable principle, no monarch can, from his private whim, without the sanction of

his subjects, or, rather, his constituents, pretend to cede his sovereignty to another person, out of his family. He may, perhaps, resign it in favour of his son, or lineal and legal successor, as Charles V. did in favour of his son Ferdinand, because he has, in a manner, the virtual consent of his subjects for so doing, from their allegiance to an hereditary sovereignty; but to dispone it to a stranger is an inconsistency, an impossibility; and, excuse me Sir, for saying, that it appears an absurdity to maintain that a tenure flowing from such a source, constitutes a good, and unimpeachable right to a great kingdom.-Napoleon, therefore, Sir, is worse than usurper of the Spanish sovereignty, and ought to be expelled by every mode of annoyance: but, you say, [p. 999] "our ministry may look upon the restoration of the monarchy, and the continuance of the government, of the ranks, "and of the orders in Spain, as the price "of our aiding this expulsion;" and that

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were you a Spaniard, rather than receive "their aid upon such conditions, you "would, after using all the means in your own power to keep us out, admit Napoleon and his government!!!" Here either hurry or enthusiasm has deprived you of the power of discriminating bad from worse, and worse from worst. But admitting that the government of Spain has been as bad as you represent it, still I say that the restoration of it, or of the family at the head of it, is the only object for this country assisting the Spanish patriots. Changes of government are always dangerous, and a change great and violent, such as that of Spain, at present, would be, which tries to derange or to anticipate the uniform sequence of events, invariably proves fatal. What! because an accidental abdication of their sovereign has taken place, either from his own weakness or the intrigues of another, are the Spaniards to attempt a change of government at present, when France is ready to exterminate them from the pale of Europe? Such an attempt would be folly, which leads to perdition. No: this is not the season for such national reformation. However fair the fabric, the whole mass will crumble to pieces in a moment, unless its foundation be good; and the foundation cannot be laid till the flood has subsided, when the sand of corruption may be safely cleared away, and the solid rock, upon which improvement may be erected, searched for, and laid bare. It ought to be the boast and the stimulus of every Spanish Patriot,-if our government is bad, let the present occurrence rouse us reasonably to

work for its improvement when the proper Season arrives; but, bad as it may be, rather than meanly accept of the insidious offers of our enemics, we will fight for it to the last drop of our blood, merely because it is our own.- -But, Sir, besides this consideration, the only object for our affording assistance to the Spanish Patriots ought to be the establishment of the old royal family on the throne of Spain, because this is the only definite object which they can at preseat fight for. It is impossible that the Spaniards can have formed any distinct idea of an improved government, supposing this were the proper season for carrying it into execution: and, this being the case, all our aid would serve only to weaken ourselves; and Buonaparté would say as a certain rebellious Scotch nobleman said of old, when the Court of Scotland was rent by contending factions, that "he is happy to see the "parties hacking and hewing each other,

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as he will be able to take possession of "the government when they themselves * have destroyed each other."-Moreover, tis contrary to sound policy for us to give aid to shake off the yoke of both sorts of tyranny." We have nothing to do whether the Spaniards are pillaged, robbed, pagged, imprisoned, &c. I, for instance, lave much occasion to dictate to, and assist main managing the private matters of your

a family; for example, to advise you not todig your own garden. What is oppres sion to one, is pleasure to another." One gation may assist another against the comno eney; but the practice of interfering n the regulation of internal government, erminates always in the detriment, or raiu, sither of the assisting, or of the assisted.The contrary is incompatible with the selfishles of man. The ancient Britons, by callng in the Saxons and Normans, to assist hem in organizing their legislature, became he slaves of their assistants, and we, who most imprudently interfered in the French evolution, have raised up an empire, which now threatens our very existence.

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endeavour to induce the people of Spain "to shed their blood for the sake of the "Bourbon family, would be an act [you

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say, p. 1002] of unparalleled insolence." And can you call the Prince of Asturias a coward after his publishing the following. proclamation ?—“ Noble Asturians! I am surrounded on every side, and a victim of "the most cruel perfidy. You once saved

Spain in worse circumstances. At present a prisoner, I do not ask of you the crown; but entreat of you to form a regular plan with the Leighbouring pro

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vinces for the repulsion of a foreign yoke "and the redemption of your liberties, by "the destruction of the treacherous foe who deprives of his right your unfortunate "Prince Ferdinand Bayonne, May 8." But why did he not "stay to help," you add. The tenour of the above proclamation shews that he had been carried away by force. Is there any thing more probable? Independent of the proclamation and of every thing else, we are bound in charity and in reason to believe so, till informed positively of the contrary. Even yet we know nothing about all the diabolical schemes and proceedings by which the deposition of the King of Spain has been effected. It is so unnatural, and so unlike all transactions of that sort, that he must be very credulous indeed who believes that it has taken place without irresistible compulsion - Is the Prince of Asturias, then, to be held a

stinking coward?" And because you conclude on such grounds, that he is so, are his subjects not to fight for him? Are the representatives of the House of Bourbon, the most ancient, and most iliustrious family in Europe, to be made "kennel sweepers?" Even to think so in the present posture of things, excuse me, Sir, for saying, argues what I must forbear to name.--Families are all alike this generation is good, and the next is bad. But when a government is to be entrusted to a monarch, there can be no question whether his family be ancient or upstart; for the former is respected by the wise and revered by the vulgar, and the latter is almost constantly disrespected 2nd hated by all -This brings to my recollec tion Mr. Hume's Discourses on the Protestant Succession, and the Idea of a perfect Commonwealth, recommending which to your attentive perusal, I ren ain, Sir, your reader and well-wisher,--J B SCOTOBRITANNUS. Edinburgh, 30th June, 1808. -P. S. I dislike the title you have given to this subject of Spanish Revolution;" and, therefore, beg leave to suggest Spanish Patrictism."

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OFFICIAL PAPERS. CUBA.Salvador Jose de Muroy Salazar, Marquis of Someruelos, President, Governor, and Captain General, Sc.-To the most loyal, brave and gallant Inhabitants of the Island of Cuba.-Dated Havannah, Jan 27, 1808.

The experience and knowledge I have acquired in nine years that I have held my present command, have inspired me with the most pleasing confidence in your loyalty to the King, inherited from your ancestors,

in your love of your country, and in your intrepid gallantry. This confidence, and my just consideration for citizens so worthy, have hitherto prevented me from adopting any other means of defence than that of forming plans well combined, thus avoiding all expense, molestations, and burdens that did not appear to me absolutely necessary, being very unwilling to increase the distresses you suffer in consequence of the preseat war. But as the fury and desperation of the common enemy daily give additional proof of a desire to desolate all nations, without sparing even his allies, the time is come when prudence dictates to put ourselves in a more respectable state of defence, that your zeal and enthusiasm in making preparations to repel his attacks, and disconcert his enterprizes, may remind him of the discomfiture which, in July, 187, your bravery made him suffer in the ungarrisoned city of Baracoa, and wern him that it is vain for him to imagine that he can gather laurels in the fields of Cuba, whose inhabitants yield neither in valour nor in energy to the heroic defenders of Buenos Ayres I therefore exhort you, with all the effusion of my heart, to bear in mind that you are menaced in the security of your homes, the safety of your wives, your children, and aged parents, the sanctity of your religion, and the felicity of living under a mild and benign government, ever attentive to your welfare, and to let these considerations weigh with you in determining how far it may be necessary to extend your vigilance, and add to your sacrifices, to avert such calamities, ever mindful that the British flag is, cupidity and pale envy of the prosperity of all those who were not born in that incendiary island, and that your laborious application to agriculture, on a soil fertile in rich productions, is an unpardonable offence in the moral code of the British government -Remember that this enemy, totally disregarding the laws of humanity and the system of warfare adopted by civilised nations, in which the vicors conquer by valour and generosity, commenced the present war by perpetrating, in the midst of peace, an act of perfidy and piracy unprecedented, except in the annals of England. I allude to the capture of our foar frigates in distress, with several other vessels, and the murder of the brave Spaniards who attempted to defend them; as the highway robber surprises the unsuspecting traveller, to despoil him of his property, and bereave him of life; and imitating this example, the satellites of England have committed on your coasts the horrid barbarities of pillage and burning, carrying off even

the slaves of your plantations, as was witnessed in Bahiabonda and in other parts, and lately happened in Arcos de Canasi.-Engrave these deeds on your hearts, and on those of your children, that they may serve to stimulate your animosity and just vengeance; but yet without ever belying the character of Spanish humanity and genero sity, or forgetting that, as the good faith of the Spaniards has long been proverbial, so has the perfidy of the English been known and detested from remote ages, and, accordingly, four hundred years ago, Gutierre Diez de Games, in the Chronicle of Count D Pedio Nino, wrote thus: " as the English are different from, and contrary to, ail other nations of Christians, they bear no love to any nation.”—To arms, to arms, at the call of your King, your country, and your well being, that you may not fall under the dominion of a government so odious and so inhuman. Your safety and security are in your own hands, and depend solely on your will; for your resources, animated with the spirit of union, and directed by wisdom, are not to be overcome by the power of your enemy-Repair then to your standards, with the enthusiasm and confidence with which you ought to be inspired, by motives so powerful, and let there be no necessity for coercive authority.-Imitate the bravery and intrepidity of the inhabitants of the shores of the River of Plate, who, suspending their agricultural labours to exercise themselves in the use of arms, have saved their country, secured themselves from the desolation which threatened them, and have covered themselves with immortai glory, to the eternal honour of the Spanish nation Recollect, in a word, that your progenitors were, at one time, the terror of the English, and be assured that the false valour of mercenary banditti, in the garb of disciplined troops, is not to be compared with, and much less can it triumph over, the noble sentiments with which I have the pleasure to see you animated; for this very reason that the armed criminal is cowed at the unarmed voice of justice.—THE MARQUIS OF SOMERUELOS. -Havannah, Jan. 27, 1808.

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bas given constant reason of plaint to France. That post, appertaining territory governed by a weak prince, had allen under the influence of England, and was become one of the principal inlets for her commerce. In different instances, without wishing to violate the neutrality of the sovereign of Tuscany, it became necessary for divisions of French troops to enter Leghorn, to confiscate the English merchandize there. These violations of territory, however necessary, are always disagreeable; and since Leghorn cannot be under the influence of France and England at the same time, it must become a part of France. Besides, Leghorn and the Tuscan territory produces sailors for the extension of our marine; through its whole extent ship building is car ried ou, and in the same proportion must the means be increased of pro, iding seamen for manning them. f as of late a squadron

operate with the kingdoms of Italy and Naples for the protection of the Italian peinsula; that the interest of the two kingdoms, and the relative situation of Italy and Naples, require that their communication should be interrupted by no hostile power; that the gift of the lands which compose the Ecclesiastical States was made by our illus-, trious predecessor Charlemagne, for the benefit of christendom, but not for the succour of the enemies of our holy religion; therefore have we, upon consideration of the demand for passports, made by the Romish ambassador at our court, on the 8th of March, decreed, and do decree, as follows: [Here follow the different articles of the decree, uniting the provinces of the Papal territory to the kingdom of Italy, and presenting various local regulations as to their go-, vernment-u pursuance of a second decree, all cardinals, prelates, and other of ficers of the Romish court, born in the kingdom of Italy, must retire to the place of their birth before the 5th of June, on pain of forfeiting their goods.

FRANCE'S NAVAL PROJECTS. 24th May,

1808.

On the 24th May, the Prince ArchChancellor, presiding in the sitting of the senate, appointed the state-councellor, Regnault de St. Jean d'Angely minister of state, to lay before them the grounds of a senatus consultum, for uniting Tuscany with the, French empire; and M. Semonville spoke in the name of the commission of the senate, which unanimously voted for this incorpotation. The following is a summary of the assigned grounds:The whole coast of the Mediterranean Sea must form a part of the French territory of the great empire. The regions, the coast adjoining to the Adriatic, are united with the kingdom of Italy; all those which lie along the Mediterranean, which are adjacent to our territory, must be united with the empire of France. From Leghorn to Toulon, to Genoa, to the department of Corsica, is not farther than from Leghorn to Milan. The commerce of the MediterraDean, whatever may be the opposition of the tyrant of the seas, shall be necessarily under the influence of France.-The very same first principles in consequence of which Genoa was incorporated with France rather than with the kingdom of Italy, also require that Leghorn be made a part of that empire. The kingdom of Naples, which lies both oa the Mediterranean and the Adriatic, constitutes a distinct kingdom, subject, however, to the same federative system, and to the same state policy.-The port of Leghorn

was created at Toulon, as if by a miracle, and if contrary to the ideas of all those who are acquainted with the sea se vice, we found means to equip a numerous squadron, which Admiral Cantheaune commanded with so much ability, and for wich he obtained so much renown. by the skiful manous res by which he frustrated the plans of the engmy-which having supplied with men, provisions, and warlike stores, Corfu, the key of the Adriatic, menaced by an expedition, already on its way, thus rendered fruitless, and which, on its returning voyage, capturing many considerable prizes, braved all storms, and exercised the crews during a difficult voyage of three months-if all these advantages have been gained, they must be partly ascribed to the incorporation of Genoa, which numbers. many of her sons among the good seamen of that squadron.— The sons of the Arao are invited to the glory, his majesty having decreed that Spezzia shall be a militar port: the docks, the works of the arsenal, and the forts, both on the sea and land side, are already marked out, and before the end of the present year, six ships of two or three decks shall be put upon the stocks.-It would not be proper to establish such considerable works at the extremities of the empire, if a foreign power were placed at the very gates of that arsenal. Spezzia shall become a second Toulon in the Mediterranean; on the whole coast there abound iron, timber, provisious, and useful hands; the provisions, the iron, and the men surrendered up, must become French. France and the continent, which are desirous of restoring the balance of power on the ocean, have the self same interest in the prosperity of the new maritime depart

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