7thly, Because the reasons assigned in the public resolutions of the provincial Assemblies, in the North American colonies, for their disobeying the StampAct, viz., "That they are not represented in the parliament of Gt.-Britain," extends to all other laws of what nature soever, which that Parliament has enacted, or shall enact, to bind them in times to come, and must (if admitted) let them absolutely free from any obedience to the power of the British Legislature.

8thly, Because the appearance of weakness and timidity in the Government and Parliament of this. kingdom, which a concession of this nature may too probably carry with it, has a manifest tendency to draw on farther insults, and, by lessening the respect of his Majesty's subjects to the dignity of his crown, and authority of his laws, throw the whole British empire into a miserable state of confusion and anarchy, with which it seems, by many symptoms, to be dangerously threatened.-Parliamentary Debates, 1761-1768, p. 368 f.

From the Declaration of Rights of the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, in 1774:

Whereupon the deputies so appointed being now assembled, in a full and free representation of these colonies, taking into their most serious consideration, the best means of attaining the ends aforesaid, do, in the first place, as Englishmen, their ancestors, in like cases have usually done, for effecting and vindicating their rights and liberties, Declare,—

That the inhabitants of the English colonies in North America, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English constitution, and the several charters or compacts, have the following Rights:—

Resolved, N. C. D. 1. That they are entitled to life, liberty, and property, and that they have never ceded to any sovereign power whatever, a right to dispose of either without their consent.

Resolved, N. C..D. 2. That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, were at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities, of full and natural-born subjects, within the realm of England.

Resolved, N. C. D. 3. That by such emigration, they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost, any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants now

are entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them, as their local and other circumstances enable them to exercise and enjoy.

Resolved, 4. That the foundation of English liberty, and of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council; and as the English colonists are not represented, and from their local and other circumstances, cannot properly be, in the British Parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity, subject only to the negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed.-Preston, Documents Illustrative of American His

tory.

The hiring of the Hessians and other German troops brought on a long debate in the Commons, from which the following extracts are made:

MR. FOX: I have always said that the war carried on against the Americans is unjust, that it is not practicable. I say, that the means made use of are by no means such as will obtain the end. I shall confine myself singly to this ground, and shew this bill, like every other measure, proves the want of policy, the folly and madness of the present set of ministers. I was in great hopes, that they had seen their error, and had given over their endeavor to coerce, and to carry on war against America, by means of Acts of Parliament, In order to induce Americans to submit to your legislature, you pass laws against them, cruel and tyrannical in the extreme. If they complain of one law, your answer to their complaint is to pass another more rigorous and severe than the former; but they are in rebellion, you say; if they are, treat them as rebels are wont to be treated.

I have ever understood it as a first principle, that in rebellion you punish the individuals, but spare the country; in a war against the enemy, you spare individuals, and lay waste the country.

This last has been invariably your conduct against America. I suggested this to you when the Boston port bill passed. I advised you to find out the offend

ing persons and to punish them; but what did you do instead of this? You laid the whole town of Boston under terrible contribution, punishing the innocent with the guilty. You answer, that you could not come at the guilty. This very answer shews how unfit, and how unable you are, to govern America.

MR. DEMPSTER said, he was sorry to see such a disposition in administration to stifle and squash all enquiry. . . . He then turned, and took a short view of the Quebec bill, and concluded, by solemnly averring, that in his opinion, no Turkish emperor ever sent a more arbitrary and oppressive mandate, by a favorite bashaw, to a distant province, than that bill was with the instructions to the governor, which accompanied it.

MR. D. HARTLEY: In the course of our debates upon American measures, I frequently hear the terms of rebellion and rebels made use of, which I shall never adopt; not only because I would avoid every term of acrimony which might increase the ill-blood between us and our fellow-subjects in America, but likewise thinking as I do, that the ministry of this country have been in every stage the aggressors: I never will, as a Whig of revolutionary principles, confound terms so fundamentally the reverse to each other, as defensive resistance in the support of constitutional rights, with unprovoked and active treason. The colonies have been condemned unheard. I wish to enter my protest once for all, that I shall always think that our American fellow-subjects have been driven to resistance in their own defence, and in support of those very claims which we ourselves have successfully taken up arms in former times, to secure us from the violence and tyrannical pretensions of the House of Stuart. These rights are the giving and granting freely our own property, and the security of charters.

HONORABLE JAMES LETTRELL: The Americans have never sought nor desire to be independent of England, They thought ministry misinformed, therefore they requested to be heard, and however artfully they may have been deprived of that privilege before this House, I do respect it as the grand judicial inquest of the nation, which must be too high . . . to condemn an individual without a hearing, much less

three millions of subjects. Yet 'tis said that Parli ment declared this war against America; let who will have done it, I have seen enough of that country to think it my duty to endeavor to express, how much I am adverse to so iniquitious, so impolitic a persecution. . . Sir, I comprehend that ministry now apply to Parliament for seventeen thousand Germans to send to America, Good God, for what end? To enslave a hundred and fifty thousand of their own countrymen, many of whom fled from tyrants to seek our protection.

ures

that

forbear

MR. ALDERMAN BULL: I cannot, Sir, to express my astonishment many gentlemen should have been prevailed upon to approve and sanctify those cruel and arbitrary measby an unfeeling, an unrelenting administration, who have dared to abuse the throne by their wicked and sanguinary councils, and whose whole conduct has proved them entirely destitute of every principle of justice, humanity, and the religion of their country. . . Sir, is it certain, is it probable that the exertions of ministerial tyranny and revenge will be much longer permitted? Or can it be expected that the people of this country, reduced by thousands to beggary and want, will remain idle spectators till the sword is at their breasts, or dragoons at their doors?

The war which you are now waging is an unjust one, It is founded in oppression, and its end will be distress and disgrace. I shall not now trouble the House further, than to declare my abhorrence of all the measures which have been adopted against America; measures equally inimical to the principles of commerce, to the spirit of the constitution, and to the honor, to the faith, and the true dignity of the British nation.-Parliamentary Debates, 1775-'76, pp. 20-106.

QUESTIONS.

1. In what ways were the Navigation acts connected with the American Revolution? 2. What industries were encouraged in America? 3. What ones discouraged? 4. Why do the people of Boston say their trade has been bad for a long time, in 1764? 5. What reasons are given in 1764 against taxation by British parliament? 6. What reasons assigned for opposing? 7. Would they have been willing to be taxed, if they had had representatives in Parliament? 8. What wer●

courts of Admiralty? 9. How were their powers extended? 10. Were there any new reasons given in 1765 that you do not find in 1764? 11. Why do the Virginians in 1769 speak of right of petition? 12. What new reasons of discontent mentioned in 1769? 13. Compare arguments of P. Henry with those of S. Adams. 14. Why does Franklin object to the Stamp Act? 15. How did the Americans feel towards the English as set forth by Franklin? 16. Did he distinguish between internal and external taxation? 17. Did the colonies in later years, 1768-'76? 18. What privileges did he claim for the colonies? 19. What foundation for these claims? 20. What force in the arguments of Mr. Pownall? 21. Would we reason now much in the same way? 22. Is Franklin's answer satisfactory? 23. Summarize the arguments of Franklin in Causes of AmerIcan Discontent. 24. How does Stephen Hopkins' argument differ from the others? 25. What new points does he suggest? 26. Are the Farmer's letters convinc ing? 27. Is it true that any authority which may be abused ought not to be granted? 28. What are the arguments of Mansfield in regard to right of Parliament to tax? 29. Does present doctrine follow his view or that of Dickinson and Chatham? 30. Were all the American arguments based on idea of nationality or state sovereignty? 31. How did the colonists regard the English Constitution, as written or unwritten? 32. How did they differ in regard to meaning of representation? 33. Did the Lords' protest set forth any good grounds for their position? 34. Compare ideas of Stamp Act Congress with ideas and arguments of Congress of 1774. 35. What points does John Rutledge emphasize? 36. Why were not the colonies virtually represented when they had such friends in Parliament as are cited from Parliamentary Debates? 37. Was there danger of over-taxation with such men there? 38. Would not agitation alone in time have secured redress? 39. How far was the war caused by improper men in English cabinet? 40. Judged by the Declaration of Independence, who caused the war? 41. Can you find proof that all the charges contained in the Declaration of Independence were well founded?