could,

assume a right of taxing them, till it had qualified itself to exercise such a right, by admitting representatives from the people to be taxed, who ought to make a part of the common consent.

Q. What used to be the pride of the Americans?

A. To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of Great Britain.

Q. What is now their pride?

A. To wear their old clothes over again, till they can make new ones.-Franklin, Works, IV, p. 709 f.

Perhaps there is no document that gives us a deeper and keener insight into the thought of the times than Franklin's "Causes of American Discontent," written in 1768. The following quotations will indicate the scope of his arguments. It will be noticed that he writes as an Englishman.

From the time that the colonies were first considered as capable of granting aids to the crown,

said that the constant mode tions made from the crown, asemblies,

. . it is

was by requisi

to the several

been continued

there is no doubt but all the money that could reasonably be expected to be raised from them in any manner might have been obtained without the least breach of the harmony of affections

the two countries.

between

[They believed that] whatever money was to be raised from the people in the colonies must first be granted by their assemblies, as the money to be raised in Britain is first to be granted by the House of Commons;

[Another act was passed] to oblige the several Assemblies to provide quarters for the soldiers, furnishing them with fireing (fuel), bedding, candles, small beer or rum, etc.

[Later, 1767, another person, Townshend] projected the levying more money from America, by new duties on various articles of our own manufacture, as glass, paper, etc., which were . . . for the payment of salaries of governors, judges and other officers

of the crown in America, it being a pretty general opin. ion here that those officers ought not to depend on the people there for any part of their support.

They say there [in America] as to governors

or

that they are generally strangers to the provinces they are sent to govern. They have no estate natural relation there to give them an affection for the country; that they come only to make money as fast as they can; are sometimes men of vicious character As to judges, they allege that, being appointed from this country, and holding their commissions not during good behavior, as in Britain, but during pleasure, all the weight of interest or influence would be thrown into one of the scales, if the salaries are also to be paid out of duties raised upon the people without their consent,

They reflected how lightly the interests of all America had been estimated here, when the interests of a few of the inhabitants of Great Britain happened to have the smallest competition with it. The hatters

of England have prevailed to obtain an act in their own favor, restraining that manufacture in America.

In the same manner have a few nail-makers, and a still smaller body of steel-makers prevailed totally to forbid by an act of Parliament the erecting of slitting mills, or steel furnaces, in America.-Franklin's Works; also in "American Patriotism."

Stephen Hopkins, of Providence, Rhode Island, sets forth the grievances of the colonies in a very elaborate paper. From it a few extracts are made, which bring out some points not found in the other documents cited:

Whether the colonies will ever be admitted to have representatives in Parliament-whether it be consistent with their distant and dependent state; whether, if it were admitted, it would be to their advantage are questions we will pass by.

The colonies are at so great a distance from England that the members of Parliament can generally have but little knowledge of their business interests.

and

For what good reason can possibly be given for making a law to cramp the trade and interests of many of

the colonies, and at the same time lessen

the

consumption of the British manufactures in them? The duty of three pence per gallon on foreign molasses must operate as an absolute prohibition. This will put a total stop to the exportation of lumber, horses, flour and fish to the French and Dutch sugarcolonies. Putting an end to the importation of foreign molasses puts an end to all the costly distilleries in these colonies and to the rum trade with the coast of Africa, and throws it into the hands of the French.

By the same act of parliament the exportation of all kinds of timber and lumber, the most natural products of these colonies is greatly encumbered.

Enlarging the power and jurisdiction of the courts of vice-admiralty in the colonies, is another part of the same act greatly and justly complained of. Courts of admiralty have long been there in most of the colonies whose authority were circumscribed within moderate territorial jurisdiction.

But now this case is quite altered, and a customhouse officer may make a seizure in Georgia of goods ever so legally imported, and carry the trial to Halifax, and thither the owner must follow him to de

fend his property; . ...

We are not insensible that when liberty is in danger the liberty of complaining is dangerous; yet a man on a wreck was never denied the liberty of roaring as loud as he could, says Dean Swift. And we believe no good reason can be given why the colonies should not modestly and soberly inquire, what right the Parliament of Great Britain have to tax them.-Cited in American Patriotism, p. 4 f.

THE LETTERS FROM A FARMER.

Among the most famous writings of the time, as well as the most influential, were the Letters of a Farmer. These letters were written by John Dickinson, a lawyer of Pennsylvania, in 1768. The sentiment of the man, and the arguments of the time are indicated in the following extracts, taken from different parts of the twelve letters which he wrote and published in the newspapers of the day:

With a good deal of surprise I have observed, that little notice has been taken of an act of parliament, as injurious in its principle to the liberties of these colonies, as the Stamp-Act was; I mean the act for suspending the legislature of New York. . . . If the British parliament has a legal authority to issue an order, that we shall furnish a single article for the troops here, and to compel obedience to that order, they have the same right to issue an order for us to supply those troops with arms, cloths, and to compel obedience to that order also; in short to lay any burdens they please upon us. What is this but taxing us at a certain sum, and leaving to us only the manner of raising it? How is this made more tolerable than the Stamp-Act?

"It is my opinion [quoted from Wm. Pitt] that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies."

"The Americans are the sons, not the bastards of England." "Taxation is no part of the governing and legislative power." The taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the commons alone. In Legislation the three estates of the realm are alike concerned, but the concurrence of the peers and the crown to a tax is only necessary to close with the form of law. The gift and grant is of the commons alone." "The distinction between legislation and taxation is necessary to liberty." The commons of America represented in the assemblies have ever been in possession of the exercise of this their constitutional right, of giving and granting their own money. "They would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it."

The idea of a virtual representation of America in this house, is the most contemptible idea that ever entered the head of man,-it does not deserve a serious refutation.

For Who Are a Free People? Not those, over whom government is reasonably and equitably exercised, but those who live under a government so constitutionally checked and controlled, that proper provision is made against its being otherwise exercised. The late act is founded on the destruction of this constitutional security. If the parliament have a right to lay a duty of Four Shillings and Eight pence on a hundred weight of glass, or a ream of paper, they have a right to lay

If they

. duty of any other sum on either. have a right to lay a tax of one penny upon us, they have a right to levy a million, for where does their right stop? At any given number of Pence Shillings or Pounds? To attempt to limit their right, after granting it to exist at all, is as contrary to reason-as granting it at all is contrary to justice. If they have any right to tax us-then whether our own money, shall continue in our own pockets or not, depends no longer on us, but on them, . . . There is nothing which we can call our own, or to use the words of Mr. Locke "What property have we in that, which another may, by right, take when he pleases, to himself?" These duties, which will inevitably be levied upon uswhich are now upon us-are expressly laid for the sole purpose of taking money. This is the true definition of "taxes." They are therefore taxes. This money is to be taken from us. We are therefore taxed. Those who are taxed without their own consent expressed by themselves or their representatives are slaves.

We are taxed without our own consent, expressed by ourselves or our representatives. We are therefore Slaves.

The three most important articles that our assemblies, or any legislature can provide for, are First-the defence of the society; Secondly-the administration of justice; Thirdly-the support of civil government. Nothing can properly regulate the expense of making provisions for these occasions, but the necessities of society; its abilities; the conveniency of the modes of levying money in the manner in which the laws have been executed; and the conduct of the officers of governments. All which are circumstances, that cannot possibly be properly known, but by society itself; or if they should be known, will not probably be properly considered but by that society. "We have all the rights requisite for our prosperity." The legal authority of Great Britain may indeed lay hard restrictions upon us; but like the spear of Telephus, it will cure as well as wound. Her unkindness will instruct and compel us, to discover, in our industry or frugality, surprising remedies--if our rights continue unviolated; for as long as the products of our labor,