SUPPOSED SPEECH OF JOHN ADAMS.

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solemn obligation ever entered into by men, that plighting, before God, of our sacred honor to Washington, when, putting him forth to incur the dangers of war, as well as the political hazards of the times, we promised to adhere to him, in every extremity, with our fortunes and our lives? I know there is not a man here who would not rather see a general conflagration sweep over the land, or an earthquake sink it, than one jot or tittle of that plighted faith fall to the ground. For myself, having, twelve months ago, in this place, moved you that George Washington be appointed commander of the forces raised, or to be raised, in defence of American liberty, may my right arm forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I hesitate or waver in the support I give him.

The war, then, must go on. We must fight it through. And if the war must go on, why put off longer the Declaration of independence? That measure will strengthen us. It will give us character abroad. The nations will then treat with us, which they can never do while we acknowledge ourselves subjects, in arms against our sovereign. Nay, I maintain that England herself will sooner treat for peace with us on the footing of independence, than consent, by repealing her acts, to acknowledge that her whole conduct towards us has been a course of injustice and oppression. Her pride will be less wounded by submitting to that course of things which now predestinates our independence, than by yielding the points in controversy to her rebellious subjects. The former she would regard as the result of fortune, the latter she would feel as her own deep . disgrace. Why then, why then, Sir, do we not as soon as possible change this from a civil to a national war? And since we must fight it through, why not put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory, if we gain the victory?

If we fail, it can be no worse for us. But we shall not fail. The cause will raise up armies, the cause will create navies. The people, the people, if we are true to them, will carry us, and will carry themselves, gloriously through this struggle. I care not how fickle other people have been found. I know the people of these colonies, and I know that resistance to British oppression is deep and settled in their hearts, and can not be eradicated. Every colony, indeed, has expressed its willingness to follow, if we take the lead.

Sir, the Declaration will inspire the people with increased courage. Instead of a long and bloody war, for the restoration of privileges, for redress of grievances, for chartered immunities, held under a British king, set before them the glorious object of entire independence, and it will breathe into them anew the breath of life. Read this Declaration at the head of the army; every sword will be drawn from its scabbard, and the solemn vow uttered, to maintain it, or to perish on the bed of honor. Publish it from the pulpit; religion will approve it, and the love of religious liberty will cling round it, resolved to stand with it, or fall with it. Send it to the public halls, proclaim it there; let them hear it who heard the first roar of the enemy's cannon; let them see it who saw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Bunker Hill, and in the streets of Lexington and Concord, and the very walls will cry out in its support.

Sir, I know the uncertainty of human affairs, but I see, I see clearly, through this day's business. You and I, indeed, may rue it. We may not live to the time when this Declaration shall be made good. We may die; die colonists; die slaves; die, it may be, ignominiously and on the scaffold. Be it so. Be it so. If it be the pleasure of Heaven that my country shall require the poor offering of my life, the victim shall be ready, at the appointed hour of sacrifice, come when that hour may. But while I do live, let me have a country, or at least the hope of a country, and that a free country.

But whatever may be our fate, be assured, be assured that this Declaration will stand. It may cost treasure, and it may cost blood; but it will stand, and it will nobly compensate for both. Through the thick gloom of the present, I see the brightness of the future, as the sun in Heaven. We shall make this a glorious, an immortal day. When we are in our graves, our children will honor it. They will celebrate it with thanksgiving, with festivity, with bonfires and illuminations. On its annual return they will shed tears, copious, gushing tears, not of subjection and slavery, not of agony and distress, but of exultation, of gratitude, and of joy. Sir, before God, I believe that the hour is come. My judgment approves this measure, and my whole heart is in it. All that I have, and all that I hope, in this life, I am now ready here to stake upon it; and I leave off as I began, that, live or die, survive or perish, I am for the Declaration.

WAR AND WASHINGTON.

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It is my living sentiment, and by the blessing of God it shall be my dying sentiment, Independence now, and INDEPENDENCE FOREVER!

Ex. LIII.-WAR AND WASHINGTON.

JONATHAN MITCHEL SEWALL.

VAIN Britons, boast no longer with proud indignity,
By land your conquering legions, your matchless strength

at sea;

Since we, your braver sons, incensed, our swords have gird

ed on,

Hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra, for war and Washington.

Your dark, unfathomed counsels our weakest heads defeat, Our children rout your armies, our boats destroy your fleet, And to complete the dire disgrace, cooped up within a town, You live, the scorn of all our host, the slaves of Washington.

Great heaven! is this the nation whose thundering arms were hurled

Through Europe, Afric, India? whose navy ruled the world!

The lustre of your former deeds, whole ages of renown,
Lost in a moment, or transferred to us and Washington.

Yet think not thirst of glory unsheathes our vengeful swords
To rend your bands asunder, and cast away your cords;
'Tis heaven-born freedom fires us all, and strengthens each

brave son,

From him who humbly guides the plough, to god-like Washington.

For this, oh could our wishes your ancient rage inspire, Your armies should be doubled, in numbers, force, and fire, Then might the glorious conflict prove which best deserved the boon,

America or Albion; a George, or Washington!

Fired with the great idea, our fathers' shades would rise ; To view the stern contention the gods desert their skies.

And Wolfe, 'mid hosts of heroes, superior bending down, Cry out with eager transports, God save great Washington!

Should George, too choice of Britons, to foreign realms apply

And madly arm half Europe, yet still we would defy

Turk, Hessian, Jew, and Infidel, or all these powers in one, While Adams guides our Senate, our camp great Washington!

Should warlike weapons fail us, disdaining slavish fears, To swords we'll beat our ploughshares, our pruning-hooks to spears,

And rush all desperate on our foe, nor breathe till battle's won;

Then shout, and shout America! and conquering Washington.

Proud France should view with terror, and haughty Spain

revere,

While every warlike nation would court alliance here,

And George, his minions trembling round, dismounting from his throne,

Pay homage to America, and glorious Washington.

Ex. LIV.-ADDRESS TO THE AMERICAN TROOPS BEFORE THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND, AUGUST 27th, 1776.

GEN. WASHINGTON.

The

THE time is now near at hand which must probably determine whether Americans are to be freemen or slaves; whether they are to have any property they can call their own; whether their houses and farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness from which no human efforts will deliver them. fate of unborn millions will now depend, under God, on the courage and conduct of this army. Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance, or the most abject submission. We have, therefore, to resolve to conquer or to die.

Our own, our country's honor, calls upon us for a vigor

CHARGE TO THE GRAND JURY OF SOUTH CAROLINA.

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ous and manly exertion; and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous before the whole world. Let us, then, rely on the goodness of our cause, and the aid of the Supreme Being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble actions. The eyes of all our countrymen are now upon us; and we shall have their blessings and praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving them from the tyranny meditated against them. Let us, therefore, animate and encourage each other, and show the whole world that a freeman contending for liberty on his own ground, is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth.

Liberty, property, life, and honor are all at stake. Upon". your courage and conduct rest the hopes of our bleeding and insulted country. Our wives, children, and parents, expect safety from us only; and they have every reason to believe that heaven will crown with success so just a cause. The enemy will endeavor to intimidate us by show and appearance; but remember they have been repulsed on various occasions by a few brave Americans. Their cause is bad-their men are conscious of it; and, if opposed with firmness and coolness on their first onset, with our advantage of works and knowledge of the ground, the victory is most assuredly ours. Every good soldier will be silent and attentive, wait for orders and reserve his fire until he is sure of doing execution.

Ex. LV.-CHARGE TO THE GRAND JURY OF SOUTH

CAROLINA.

October 15th, 1776.

JUDGE DRAYTON.

A DECREE is now gone forth, not to be recalled! And thus has suddenly arisen in the world a new empire, styled the United States of America. An empire, that as soon as started into existence, attracts the attention of the rest of the universe, and bids fair, by the blessing of God, to be the most glorious of any upon record. America hails Europe, Asia, and Africa! She proffers peace and plenty.

When, in modern times, Philip of Spain became the tyrant of the Low Countries in Europe, of seventeen provinces