The goddess offended forsook the base nation, And fixed on our mountains a more honored station. With glory immortal she here sits enthroned, To arms then! to arms! 'tis fair Freedom invites us; On Heaven and Washington placing reliance, Ex. LXI.-CHARGE TO THE GRAND JURY OF NEW YORK. September 9, 1777. JOHN JAY. GENTLEMEN: It affords me very sensible pleasure to congratulate you on the dawn of that free, mild and equal government which now begins to rise and break from amidst those clouds of anarchy, confusion and licentiousness which the arbitrary and violent dominion of the king of Great Britain had spread, in a a greater or less degree, over all of these States. This is one of those signal instances in * An idea of the value of Judge Jay's services to the Republic, especially in a diplomatic capacity, may be acquired by the following passage from Hildreth, in reference to the person to be selected to negotiate the Treaty with Great Britain in 1794, afterwards called Jay's Treaty: "In point of Revolutionary services, only the President himself stood upon higher ground. In lofty disinterestedness, in unyielding integrity, in superiority to the illusions of passion, no one of the great men of the Revolution approached so near to Washington. Profound knowledge of the law, inflexible sense of justice, and solidity of judgment, had especially marked him out for the office which he held. Having played a very active part in a State (New York), the seat of hostilities during the whole struggle of the Revolution, he know what war was, and dreaded it accordingly." Jay was a native of New York, and held several important appointments in that state. CHARGE TO THE GRAND JURY OF NEW YORK. 103 which Divine Providence has made the tyranny of princes instrumental in breaking the chains of their subjects; and rendered the most inhuman designs productive of the best consequences to those against whom they were intended. The infatuated sovereign of Britain, forgetful that kings were the servants, not the proprietors, and ought to be the fathers, not the incendiaries, of their people, has, by destroying our former constitutions, enabled us to erect more eligible systems of government on their ruins; and, by unwarrantable attempts to bind us in all cases whatsoever, has reduced us to the happy necessity of being free from his control in any. Whoever compares our present with our former constitution, will find abundant reason to rejoice in the exchange, and readily admit that all the calamities incident to this war will be amply compensated by the many benefits arising from this glorious revolution,-a revolution which, in the whole course of its rise and progress, is distinguished by so many marks of the Divine favor and interposition, that no doubt can remain of its being finally accomplished. It was begun, and has been supported, in a manner so singular, and I may say miraculous, that when future ages shall read its history, they will be tempted to consider a great part of it as fabulous. What, among other things, can appear more unworthy of credit, than that in an enlightened age, in a civilized and Christian country, in a nation so celebrated for humanity, as well as love of liberty and justice, as the English once justly were, a prince should arise, who, by the influence of corruption alone, should be able to seduce them into a combination to reduce three millions of his most loyal and affectionate subjects to absolute slavery, under pretence of a right appertaining to God alone, of binding them in all cases whatever, not even excepting cases of conscience and religion? What can appear more improbable, though true, than that this prince, and this people, should obstinately steel their hearts and shut their ears against the most humble petitions and affectionate remonstrances; and unjustly determine, by violence and force, to execute designs which were reprobated by every principle of humanity and policy; designs which would have been execrable, if intended against savages and enemies, and yet formed against men descended from the same common ancestors with themselves; men who had liberally contributed to their support, and cheerfully fought their battles, even in remote and bale ful climates? Will it not appear extraordinary that thirteen colonies, the objects of their wicked designs, divided by variety of governments and manners should immediately become one people; and though without funds, without magazines, without disciplined troops, in the face of their enemies, unanimously determine to be free; and undaunted by the power of Britain, refer their cause to the justice of the Almighty, and resolve to repel force by force. Will it not be matter of doubt and wonder that, notwithstanding these difficulties, they should raise armies, establish funds, carry on commerce, grow rich by the spoils of their enemies, and bid defiance to the armies of Britain, the mercenaries of Germany and the savages of the wilderness? But, however incredible these things may appear, we know them to be true, and we should always remember that the striking proofs of the interposition of Heaven in delivering us from the threatened bondage of Britain, ought to make us ascribe our salvation to its true cause, and instead of swelling our breasts with arrogant ideas of our own prowess and importance, kindle in them a flame of gratitude and piety which may consume all remains of vice and irreligion. Ex. LXII.-BARBARITY OF EMPLOYING INDIANS IN WAR. Speech in Parliament, Nov. 18, 1777. EARL OF CHATHAM. MY LORDS: I am astonished! shocked! to hear such principles confessed-to hear them avowed in this house, or in this country; principles equally unconstitutional, inhuman and unchristian! My lords, I did not intend to have encroached again upon your attention; but I could not repress my indignation. I feel myself impelled by every duty. My lords, we are called upon as members of this house, as men, as Christian men, to protest against such notions standing near the throne, polluting the ear of Majesty. "That God and nature put into our hands!" I know not what ideas that lord may entertain of God and nature, but I know that such abominable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. What! to attribute the sacred sanction of God and nature BARBARITY OF EMPLOYING INDIANS IN WAR. 105 to the massacre of the Indian scalping-knife, to the cannibal savage, torturing, murdering, roasting and eating, literally, my lords, eating the mangled victims of his barbarous battles! Such horrible notions shock every precept of religion, divine or natural, every generous feeling of humanity, and every sentiment of honor. These abominable principles, and this more abominable avowal of them, demand the most decisive indignation. I call upon that right reverend bench, those holy ministers of the gospel, and pious pastors of our church, I conjure them to join in this holy work, and vindicate the religion of their God. I appeal to the wisdom and law of this learned bench, to defend and support the justice of their country. I calĺ upon the bishops to interpose the unsullied sanctity of their lawn; upon the learned judges to interpose the purity of their ermine, to save us from this pollution. I call upon the honor of your lordships to reverence the dignity of your ancestors, and to maintain your own. I call upon the spirit and humanity of my country to vindicate the national character. I invoke the genius of the constitution. From the tapestry that adorns these walls the immortal ancestors of this noble lord frown with indignation at the disgrace of his country. In vain he led your victorious fleets against the boasted Armada of Spain; in vain he defended and established the honor, the liberties, the religion, the protestant religion of this country, against the arbitrary cruelties of popery and the Inquisition, if these more than popish cruelties and inquisitorial practices are let loose among us. To turn forth into our settlements, among our ancient connexions, friends and relations, the merciless cannibal, thirsting for the blood of man, woman and child! to send forth the infidel savage, against whom? against your protestant brethren, to lay waste their country, to desolate their dwellings, and extirpate their race and name, with these horrible hell-hounds of savage war! -hell-hounds, I say, of savage war. Spain armed herself with blood-hounds to extirpate the wretched natives of America; and we improve on the inhuman example even of Spanish cruelty; we turn loose these savage hell-hounds against our brethren and countrymen in America, of the same language, laws, liberties and religion, endeared to us by every tie that should sanctify humanity. My lords, this awful subject, so important to our honor, our constitution and our religion, demands the most solemn and effectual inquiry. And I again call upon your lordships, and the united powers of the state, to examine it thoroughly and decisively, and to stamp upon it an indelible stigma of the public abhorrence. And I again implore these holy prelates of our religion to do away these iniquities from among us. Let them perform a lustration, let them purify this house, and this country, from this sin. My lords, I am old and weak, and unable at present to say more, but my feelings and indignation were too strong to have said less. I could not have slept this night in my bed, nor reposed my head on my pillow, without giving this vent to my eternal abhorrence of such preposterous and enormous principles. Ex. LXIII.-PROTEST AGAINST MINISTERIAL MISCONDUCT. Speech in Parliament, Nov. 18th, 1777. EARL OF CHATHAM. I RISE, my lords, to declare my sentiments on this most solemn and serious subject. It has imposed a load upon my mind which, I fear, nothing can remove; but which impels me to endeavor its alleviation, by a free and unreserved communication of my sentiments. In the first part of the address, I have the honor of heartily concurring with the noble earl who moved it. No man feels sincerer joy than I do, nor can offer more genuine congratulation on every accession of strength to the succession of the house of Brunswick. I therefore join in every congratulation on the birth of another princess, and the happy recovery of her majesty. But I must stop here. My courtly complaisance will carry me no further. I will not join in congratulation on misfortune and disgrace. not concur in a blind and servile address, which approves and endeavors to sanctify the monstrous measures which have heaped disgrace and misfortune upon us. This, my lords, is a perilous and tremendous moment! It is not a time for adulation. The smoothness of flattery can not now avail; cannot save us in this rugged and awful crisis. It is now necessary to instruct the throne in the language of truth. We must dispel the delusion and the darkness |