ple to decide for themselves. (Senator Douglas was here interrupted by the wildest applause; cheer after cheer rent the air; the band struck up Yankee Doodle;" rockets and pieces of fireworks blazed forth, and the enthusiasm was so intense and universal that it was some time before order could be restored and Mr. Douglas resume. The scene at this period was glorious beyond description.)

On the other point, Mr. Lincoln goes for a warfare upon the Supreme Court of the United States because of their judicial decision in the Dred Scott case. I yield obedience to the decisions of that court-to the final determination of the highest judicial tribunal known to our Constitution. He objects to the Dred Scott decision because it does not put the negro in the possession of the rights of citizenship on an equality with the white man. I am opposed to negro equality. (Immense applause.) I repeat that this nation is a white people-a people composed of European descendants-a people that have established this government for themselves and their posterity, and I am in favor of preserving not only the purity of the blood, but the purity of the government, from any mixture or amalgamation with inferior races. (Renewed applause.) I have seen the effects of this mixture of superior and inferior races-this amalgamation of white men and Indians and negroes; we have seen it in Mexico, in Central America, in South America, and in all the Spanish-American states, and its result has been degeneration, demoralization, and degradation below the capacity for self-government. ("True, true.")

I am opposed to taking any step that recognizes the negro man or the Indian as the equal of the white man. I am opposed to giving him a voice in the administration of the government. I would extend to the negro, and the Indian, and to all dependent races, every right, every privilege, and every immunity consistent with the safety and welfare of the white races (bravo); but equality they never should have, either political or social, or in any other respect whatever. (Cries of "Good," "good," and protracted cheers.)

My friends, you see that the issues are distinctly drawn. I stand by the same platform that I have so often proclaimed to you and to the people of Illinois heretofore. (Cries of "That's true," and applause.) I stand by the Democratic organization, yield obedience to its usages, and support its regular nominations. (Intense enthusiasm.) I indorse and approve the Cincinnati platform (renewed applause), and I adhere to and intend to carry out, as part of that platform, the great principle of self-government, which recognizes the right of the people in each state and territory to decide for themselves their domestic institutions. ("Good," "good," and cheers.) In other words, if the Lecompton issue shall arise again, you have only to turn back and see where you have found me during the last six months, and then rest assured that you will find me in the same position, battling for the same principle, and vindicating it from assault from whatever quarter it may come, so long as I have the power to do it. (Cheers.)

Fellow-citizens, you now have before you the outlines of the propositions which I intend to discuss before the people of Illinois during the pending campaign. I have spoken without preparation, and in a very desultory manner, and may have omitted some points which I desired to discuss, and may have been less implicit on others than I could have wished. I have made up my mind to appeal to the people against the combination which has been made against me. (Enthusiastic applause.) The Republican leaders have formed an alliance-an unholy, unnatural alliance-with a portion of the unscrupulous federal office-holders. I intend to fight that allied army wherever I meet them. (Cheers.) I know they deny the alliance while avowing the common purpose, but yet these men who are trying to divide the Democratic party for the purpose of electing a Republican senator in my place are just as much the agents, the tools, the supporters of Mr. Lincoln as if they were avowed Republicans,

and expect their reward for their services when the Republicans come into power. (Cries of "That is true," and cheers.) I shall deal with these allied forces just as the Russians dealt with the allies at Sebastopol. The Russians, when they fired a broadside at the common enemy, did not stop to inquire, whether it hit a Frenchman, an Englishman, or a Turk, nor will I stop (Laughter and great applause); nor shall I stop to inquire whether my blows hit the Republican leaders or their allies, who are holding the federal offices, and yet acting in concert with the Republicans to defeat the Democratic party and its nominees. (Cheers, and cries of "Bravo!") I do not include all of the federal office-holders in this remark. Such of them as are Democracts, and show their Democracy by remaining inside of the Democratic organization and supporting its nominees, I recognize as Democrats; but those who, having been defeated inside of the organization, go outside, and attempt to divide and destroy the party in concert with the Republican leaders, have ceased to be Democracts, and belong to the allied army, whose avowed object is to elect the Republican ticket by dividing and destroying the Democratic party. (Cheers.)

My friends, I have exhausted myself (cries of "Don't stop yet), and I certainly have fatigued you ("No, no," and "Go on") in the long and desultory remarks which I have made. ("Go on longer," "We want to hear you," etc.) It is now two nights since I have been to bed, and I think I have a right to a little sleep. (Cheers, and a voice-"May you sleep soundly.") I will, however, have an opportunity of meeting you face to face, and addressing you on more than one occasion before the November election. (Cries of "We hope so," etc.) In conclusion, I must again say to you, justice to my own feelings demands it, that my gratitude for the welcome you have extended to me on this occasion knows no bounds, and can be described by no language which I can command. (Cries of "We did our duty," and cheers.) I see that I am literally at home when among my constituents. (Cries of "Welcome home," ‚” “You have done your duty," "Good," etc.) This welcome has amply repaid me for every effort that I have made in the public service during nearly twenty-five years that I have held office at your hands. (Cheers; a voice"You will hold it longer.") It not only compensates me for the past, but it furnishes an inducement and incentive for future effort, which no man, no matter how patriotic, can feel who has not witnessed the magnificent reception you have extended to me to-night on my return.

At the conclusion of the remarks of Judge Douglas there was a spontaneous outburst of enthusiastic admiration. Cheers upon cheers followed, and the dense masses who had stood so long in solid ranks refused to separate, but continued for some time in vociferous applause.

Then followed another discharge of elegant fireworks. One piece, situated at the northwest corner of Dearborne and Lake Streets, was soon in a blaze, and as the fire ran from point to point on its surface, there was gradutally revealed, in letters of dazzling and sparkling light, the glorious motto "POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY." This handsome and appropriate display renewed the enthusiasm of the multitude, and for more than an hour thousands of our people surrounded the hotel, cheering Douglas, Popular Sovereignty, and the Kansas-Nebraska Act.

CHAPTER XVII.

SAME SUBJECT CONTINUED.

MR. LINCOLN addressed a Republican meeting at the same place on the next evening, and the active campaign had now been formally opened. The Republican leaders were sanguine of success. They became extravagantly delighted with the Danites. On the 14th of July the leading Republican paper of Chicago addressed words of strong encouragement to that faction. It affected a fear of its strength, and had the effrontery to tell its readers that Douglas and his party were a mere handful and that the real party with whom the Republicans would have to contend would be the Danites.

It may not be out of place here to remark that as nearly as could be estimated by those not within the inner circles of Republican councils, there was about sixty thousand dollars of Republican money, besides considerable self respect recklessly sacrificed during that year in keeping the Danite party on its legs. It was an expensive item in the cost of the election, and we doubt very much if the organization and opposition of that faction did not give the Democratic party additional strength by enlisting the timid and negligent in the cause which was so fearfully threatened by the allies.

On the night of the 15th Judge Douglas was visited by a delegation of the German Democrats of Chicago-than whom a nobler band of patriots does not exist in the Union. It is true they form but a small portion of the German population of Chicago, but they are men of intelligence, education and experience. They understand the true principles of American freedom, and the Constitution has no more devoted supporters in the state. The speeches on the occasion were most happy.

On the morning of the 16th Judge Douglas left Chicago on his way to Springfield to meet the Democratic State Committee. The object and intention of his visit were well known. All along the road at every station he was greeted with all possible demonstrations of welcome. At Bloomington, where he arrived in the afternoon, he was met by a vast concourse of

people; he was greeted with a salute, which was re-echoed by a cannon carried down on the train by a large delegation from Joliet.

In the evening he made a speech of over two hours and a half. Of that speech an edition of eighty thousand was printed in pamphlet form and distributed all over Illinois, and copies were sent to all parts of the Union. It was also published in all the Democratic papers of the state, and thus distributed everywhere.

Particular reference is made to this speech because in it is contained an assertion of doctrine exactly similar in all practical operation and effect with that subsequently expressed at Freeport. At that time, however, July 16th, the allies thought there was no chance of Douglas' success, and it was not thought necessary to discover treason to Democratic faith in sentiments corresponding exactly with those uniformly expressed by him during the previous eight years of active discussion of the slavery question. The next day he proceeded on his way to Springfield. Present at his speech in Bloomington and on board the same train to Springfield was Mr. Lincoln. As the train proceeded it grew in length. At every station there was a mass of Democrats waiting to greet the champion of Democratic principles. Additional cars had to be added, and when the train reached Springfield it had twenty-five cars, each filled to overflowing with enthusiastic Democrats. Lincoln was perhaps the only Lincoln man on the train. During the day, which had been sultry, there fell heavy showers, yet the Democracy were not deterred in their determination to honor the man against whom there had been arraigned the force of such an extraordinary combination. Large trains filled to overflowing had come up from the lower part of the state. The vast multitude repaired to Edward's grove, and notwithstanding the ground was wet, and the trees dripping with the rain that had fallen, for three hours they remained listening to the voice of Stephen A. Douglas, who, in the name of Democratic truth, the Constitution and the vested rights of the people of the states and territories, bid Black Republicanism and its allies bold defiance. The writer of these pages witnessed that day of rejoicing, excitement and enthusiasm. It is imposible to describe it. It was the voluntary outpouring of popular enthusiasm towards a

man who had no patronage at his disposal, who was denounced as a political outcast, yet who with words of truth and burning eloquence proclaimed the everlasting principles of Democracy. His speech on this occasion was published in full, and an edition of fifty thousand copies in pamphlet form was distributed in Illinois and other states.

At night Lincoln spoke in reply at the State House.

During the next few days Judge Douglas, acting with the State Democratic Committee, fixed upon a list of appointments for Democratic meetings, which list was published at once in all the Democratic papers of the State. This first list extended only to the 21st of August, but was afterwards extended to the last of October. The complete list was as follows:

Clinton, on July 27th, then in succession at Monticello, Paris, Hillsboro, Greenville, Edwardsville, Highland, Winchester, Pittsfield, Beardstown, Havana, Lewiston, Peoria, Lacon, Ottawa, Galena, Freeport, Junction, Joliet, Pontiac, Lincoln, Jacksonville, Carlinville, Belleville, Waterloo, Chester, Jonesboro, Benton, Charleston, Danville, Urbana, Kankakee, Henepin, Henry, Metamora, Pekin, Oquaka, Monmouth, Galesburg, Macomb, Carthage, Quincy, Alton, Gillespie, Decatur, Springfield, Atlanta, Bloomington, Toulon, Genessee, Rock Islandthe last being on Friday, October 30-the election taking place on Tuesday, the 3d of November. These were his regular appointments, but in addition to these he spoke perhaps at twenty other places, being points on his route, at which the people would turn out, and insist upon his speaking to them. His speeches at his regular appointments averaged about two hours and a half each; except those at the joint discussions, where the time was limited to one hour and a half. A glance at the map of the State will give an idea of the distance traveled, and the activity necessary to get from point to point upon the list of designated places. It was a task requiring a wonderful display of fortitude and of physical endurance. At almost each of these places Senator Douglas was met at a distance from the town by committees, who in the name of the Democracy welcomed him to the place. To all these speeches Judge Douglas made a response extending from ten to thirty minutes. He was then escorted to the place of meeting where he delivered his regular speech.

On the 24th of July Mr. Douglas returned to Chicago, pre